Monetary circulation in Pannonia Superior

„Eine ganz normale Inschrift“ … norm rmale Vnd ähnLiches zVm GebVrtstag stag von Ekkehard Weber FESTSCHRIFT FESTSCHRIFT ZUM 30. April 2005 ZUM Herausgegeben von Franziska Beutler und Wolfgang Hameter unter Mitarbeit von Robert Beutler, Markus Gerhold, Veronika Scheibelreiter und Ingrid Weber-Hiden ALTHISTORISCH-EPIGRAPHISCHE STUDIEN BAND 5 Wien 2005 Eigenverlag der Österreichischen Gesellschaft für Archäologie III p INHALTSVERZEICHNIS NUMISMATIK CRISTIAN GÃZDAC Monetary Circulation in Pannonia Superior — The Territories of Carnuntum and Vindobona — From Trajan to Constantine I (AD 98–337) ...................................... REINHARD WOLTERS Remissio. Die Ankündigung von Steueraufhebungen in der römischen Kaiserzeit .. ARCHÄOLOGIE KURT GSCHWANTLER At tuba terribili sonitu taratantara dixit .................................................................... BERNHARD HEBERT Echte Humanisten und falsche Schnurrbärte. Ein kurzer Gruss aus der Steiermark ... ERICH HUDECZEK Bauern, Badender und Opferdiener .......................................................................... WERNER JOBST Lindwurm und Zauberdrache. Zwei missverstandene Römersteine in Hainburg an der Donau............................................................................................. ERWIN POCHMARSKI Grabaltar und Rundmedaillon .................................................................................. ERWIN M. RUPRECHTSBERGER — OTTO H. URBAN Mit einem Beitrag von KARIN WILTSCHKE-SCHROTTA Spätantikes Lentia— Neue Funde und Befunde ...................................................... VERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER Ein Carnuntiner Antefix aus einer Privatsammlung ................................................. ELISABETH WALDE Eine Campanaplatte in Aguntum .............................................................................. INGRID WEBER-HIDEN Gladiatorendarstellungen auf Terrasigillata. Kann die Terrasigillata ein Hinweis für die Beliebtheit von Gladiatorenkämpfen sein? ................................................... KARTOGRAPHIE KARL BRUNNER Die Datierung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte ..................................................................... FRANZ RÖMER Geographie und Panegyrik. Beobachtungen zu F.Ch. v. Scheybs Praefatio seiner Edition der Tabula Peutingeriana ................................................................... RICHARD J.A. TALBERT Rome’s Marble Plan and Peutinger’s Map: Continuity in Cartographic Design ..... 609 521 529 535 489 507 543 555 569 585 589 595 615 627 XV p MONETARY CIRCULATION INALTHISTORISCH-EPIGRAPHISCHE ERRITORIES AND 5 PANNONIA SUPERIOR — THE T STUDIEN B OF CARNUNTUM AND VINDOBONA CRISTIAN GÃZDAC (CLUJ-NAPOCA/KLAUSENBURG) MONETARY CIRCULATION IN PANNONIA SUPERIOR — THE TERRITORIES OF CARNUNTUM AND VINDOBONA — FROM TRAJAN TO CONSTANTINE I (AD 98–337)1 This essay is a study of monetary circulation in the area of two important military, municipal and trade centres on the Roman limes in Pannonia Superior, namely Carnuntum (Jobst 1983; Stiglitz 1977, 583–597; Betz 1990; Humer 1996) and Vindobona (Harl 1979, 34– 65; Neumann 1972). In this study an attempt has been made to analyse each denomination and to point out possible differences between monetary circulation in Roman towns and in the rural areas. It should be mentioned that this essay is a preliminary study, and therefore I have not been able to give a complete view of the monetary circulation in Pannonia Superior or the regions around this province, or to engage in comparative studies. In the case of hoards the coefficient of entry/year was calculated per reign of emperors. For the isolated finds, up to the early 3rd century, the chronological sequences are most easily formulated in terms of the length of imperial reigns (Reece 1987, 73). The short lived emperors such as Didius Julianus, Pertinax, Pescennius Niger, Clodius Albinus, are placed together with their successor. The Severan dynasty is divided into two periods: the first group contains the reigns from Septimius Severus to Macrinus (AD 193–218), including the coins of Didius Julianus, Pertinax, Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus; the second one, includes the reigns from Elagabalus to Maximinus I Thrax (AD 218–238). The reasons for this particular chronological division were: the possibility of distinguishing between the coins of Caracalla and those of Elagabalus (Reece 1987, 74)2; a variation of coin find/year for the periods AD 193–218 and AD 218–238 coupled with the monetary changes in these periods, i.e. first issues of antoniniani under Caracalla and Macrinus and the hiatus in production of this denomination from Severus Alexander through Maximinus I Thrax. The next chronological period from AD 238–260 is based on the type of commonly found coin, the antoninianus with a moderate amount of silver. The next period, AD 260–275, is that of the poor quality silver radiates and terminates with the reform of Aurelian (Reece 1987, 74). The period AD 275–284 is characterised by radiates of slightly higher silver contents. The monetary reform of Diocletian and monetary changes under Constantine I are discussed in the periods corresponding to the 1st Tetrarchy (AD 284– 305) and the time of Constantine I (AD 306–337). This paper tries to show how the hoards and site-finds can be used to study monetary circulation in this area, what are the differences between the two types of finds and the limits of the evidence. 1 The article is a result of a period of research in the Münzkabinett of the Kunstihistorisches Museum in Wien. I am grateful to Prof. I. Piso (University of Cluj) Prof. G. Dembski and Prof. E. Weber (University of Vienna) for their full support to get the necessarily material and publications for this subject. 2 Also, I want to express my gratitude to Dr. C. Howgego, Dr. Cathy King and Prof. F. Millar (University of Oxford) who have offered very useful suggestions and comments. The author has affirmed that the coins of Elagabalus are easily confused with those of Caracalla. 489 p C. GÃZDAC A non-recovered hoard represents a withdrawal of coins from circulation at a certain moment. Based on the latest coins from a hoard, a chronological pattern can be established for the moment when the hoard was buried. At the same time, hoarding patterns were influenced by monetary changes, reforms and monetary policy and the reaction of the users. Thus, the hoards dated after the middle of the 3rd century show a mixture of silver denominations, denarii and antoniniani, and one can observe how the older denomination, the denarius, gradually disappeared from these finds. It is more difficult to ascertain whether denarii continued to circulate in this period or whether they represent an earlier period of accumulation. In the area of Carnuntum and Vindobona, the hoards of large quantities of coins usually contain denarii as well as antoniniani, while smaller hoards contain only antoniniani. In the majority of cases, hoards contain only coins of high value which cannot give us a real image of the totality of coins in circulation. By contrast, isolated finds offer more information about the coins which were lost and non-recovered because of their low value. In the area under discussion, with one exception, Illmitz, the hoards contain only coins with high value. This can be both an advantage and a disadvantage. We have information about the denominations with high value but they cannot reveal anything about the lower denominations or their relation with the higher ones. In some cases the hoards may be linked with major historical events. The numerous hoards ending in the 160s, 8 out of 18 in a period of 240 years, in a limes area in front of the Marcomanic invasions, imply that the main reason of non-recovery was the Marcomanic wars. The site-find, on the other hand, reflects the situation of those coins which were lost or thrown away by the owners. Complementary to the hoards, site-finds will yield more information about the lowest denominations or those without significant value. Also, sitefinds can reflect some monetary changes which cannot be shown by hoards; e.g. the disappearance of the lowest bronze denominations and the rarity of bronze coinage starting with Septimius Severus. Both hoards and site finds contain numerous debased antoninianii for the period AD 260–275. At the same time, the site finds also reflect a specific monetary phenomenon in this area, the limesfalsa cast coins which seem to have been issued locally to cover the lack of official bronze coinage in the 1st half of the 3rd century AD and which ceased to be produced when the mint of Viminacium was opened in AD 239. A significant limitation of site finds is that they do not give a realistic picture of the availability of the higher denominations. The rarity of gold coin finds does not indicate a scanty production or supply of gold but the pattern that people tried to save such coins in hoards or melted them down for jewellery. Another disadvantage of site-finds is that the date of issue is often not the same as the date of loss. In this case, it is necessary to establish a correlation between the coin finds and the archaeological layers dated by other criteria (e.g. Samian ware). Unfortunately, the majority of coins have been found during old excavations with no records of these archaeological layers, or simply recovered by chance. In such cases, the chronological profile may be also modelled on the basis of hoards where this type of dating evidence is available. Owing to the matter of space to this volume all the statistics and graphic illustrations are referred to Gãzdac 2002. y 490 MONETARY CIRCULATION IN PANNONIA SUPERIOR — THE TERRITORIES OF CARNUNTUM AND VINDOBONA Map of the territories of Vindobona and Carnuntum showing the hoard and isolated coin finds 491 p C. GÃZDAC THE HOARDS For the period AD 98–337 nineteen hoards were available for this study (see tables of hoards; map)3. A general situation of the hoards is shown below (A: aurei, Ant: antoniniani, D: denarii, Dr: drachmas; Q: quinarii, N: nummi): Composition 11 AV (298 coins) 17 AR 11 AR + AE (23 AR + 134 AE) Denomination 1 A (all) 7 D (all) 3 D + Ant 1 D + AE 2 A (all) 3 D + other (Q, Dr) 2 N (all) Size 2nd–3rd c. 3 under 25 coins 2 = 25–50 " 1 = 51–100 " 5 = 101–200 " 2 = over 300 " late 3rd c.–4th c. 1 under 10 coins 1 = 10–25 " GROUPED BY DATE c. 160–180 Wallern (Ant. Pius) Illmitz (M. Aurelius) Vindobona III (M. Aurelius) Carnuntum I (M. Aurelius) Carnuntum II (M. Aurelius) Witzelsberg (M. Aurelius) Neunkirchen (M. Aurelius) Apetlon II (M. Aurelius) Vindobona IV (Commodus) c. 235 Carnuntum IV (S. Alexander) Vindobona V (S. Alexander) 116 (D + other) 157 (D + AE) 298 (A) 136 (D) 110 (D) 150 (D) 168 (D + other) 177 (D) 964 (D) 21 (D) 28 (D) c. 222 Vindobona II (Elagabalus) 120 (D + other) c. 260 Apetlon I (Regalian) Berndorf (Gallienus) Hochneukirchen (Val/Gall.) Carnuntum III (Val/Gall) c. 285–337 Winden (Diocletian) Grosshöflein (Constantine I) 361 (Ant) 243 (D + Ant) 243 (D + Ant) 254 (Ant) 18 N 13 N c. 270–274 Oslip (Aurelian) 18 Ant Except for Illmitz and Vindobona III, the earlier hoards consist of denarii and in the cases of Apetlon II, Neunkirchen and Wallern, of quinarii and drachmas of Lycia and Caesarea Cappadocia as well (Gãzdac 2002, p. 148). Most of the earlier silver hoards show a similar pattern; the earliest coins are from Republic or M. Antonius followed by coins from the post-reform period of Nero and those from the period of the civil war in AD 68–69. The exception is the Carnuntum I hoard, for it does not contain any coins of the period Nero–Titus (Gãzdac 2002, p. 171). The lack of any coins of the earlier Julio-Claudians is not surprising. After Nero’s reform and then in Trajan’s reign the silver coins of higher fineness and weight were gradually withdrawn from circulation. Duncan-Jones shows that the hoards ending in AD 80–87 contain 20% of coins from Julio-Claudian emperors and in the hoards ending after AD 93–94 they are less than 5% (Duncan-Jones 1998, 195). 3 It must be noted that the number of hoards is bigger than is mentioned in the text, because of the bad state of publication — some older publications give only summary information about one hoard or another. It is also impossible to find out today what happened to some hoards found in the last two centuries. y 492 MONETARY CIRCULATION IN PANNONIA SUPERIOR — THE TERRITORIES OF CARNUNTUM AND VINDOBONA The high number of M. Antony’s coins surviving in hoards such as, Vindobona IV– 151, Neunkirchen–73, Apetlon II–50,Wallern–37 and Carnuntum I–18 may also be explained in terms of monetary policy. When Nero and Trajan debased the silver coinage, both withdrew from circulation the previous issues. The Julio-Claudian and Republican issues as well as the finest of Domitian’s denarii were re-minted because of their higher content of silver. Antony’s legionary denarii of a lower silver content were not worth melting down at this point for their silver; they were approximately equivalent to the debased silver of Trajan. The similarities between Antony’s and Trajan’s denarii after the debasement in AD 107 and Antony’s legionary denarius has 3,06 gr and 92.2% fineness and Trajan’s denarius 3.07 gr. and 91.5% fineness (Duncan-Jones 1998, 204) and were allowed to go on circulation (Duncan-Jones 1998, 104, 199–200; Crawford 1978, 147– 158; Reece 1987, 60). This explains why Antony’s denarii were still circulating in the early 3rd century (Duncan-Jones 1998, 205). Also, two different types of accumulation can be identified in this group of finds: a) hoards with a lower index under M. Aurelius (Wallern, Illmitz, Vindobona III) (Gãzdac 2002, p. 355, 359) and b) hoards with an index rising in the period from Trajan to M. Aurelius (Carnuntum I, Carnuntum II, Witzelsberg, Neunkirchen, Apetlon II) (Gãzdac 2002, p. 355–356). The non-recovery of Carnuntum I, Carnuntum II, Vindobona IV, Wallern, Illmitz, Apetlon II, Neunkirchen and Witzelsberg may be linked to the Marcomanic wars. The latest coins from these hoards could provide an explanation for the two different patterns. Thus, the latest coins in category “a” date from 157–158 (Wallern), from 162–163 (Illmitz) (Dembski 1977, 20; Göbl 1967, 12) and from the beginning of M. Aurelius’ reign (Vindobona III), in which cases the reason for non-recovery has been connected with the beginning of Marcomanic wars around 164 (Göbl 1967, 22); in category “b” the latest coins from the hoards of Carnuntum I, Carnuntum II, Witzelsberg and Neunkirchen (Dembski 1977, 20–58; Dembski 1990, 25, 27) date from 167–170, from Apetlon II — 177 and from Vindobona IV — Commodus’ reign. The first three hoards were considered to have not been recovered because of battles in 169–171 when Pannonia (Mócsy 1974, 187–188) was the focal point of the war against the Marcomani. Also Apetlon II and Vindobona IV have been nonrecovered, the first because of the invasions of Pannonia in 177–178 (Mócsy 1974, 191) and the second because of the conflicts between Commodus and the Germanic tribes (Mócsy 1974, 193–194). Further observations on this group of hoards concern the coins of Hadrian. In all hoards containing only silver or gold, the coefficient per year of Hadrian’s reign is either low, or zero (Carnuntum I). By contrast, in the case of Illmitz this coefficient reaches a high value for bronze coins during the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius (see tables of hoards). In the case of Illmitz an interesting feature is the variety of the denominations denarii, sestertii and dupondii. More than 80% of these coins are bronze. The hoards from Eberstallzell (Dembski 1977, 17), Kristendorf (Dembski 1977, 18) and Untersberg (Dembski 1977, 19) in Noricum provide analogies for this period. The value in silver is estimated at 35 denarii (Göbl 1967, 20) and therefore, places the hoard of Illmitz expressed in terms of value among the smallest hoards of this period. A later group of hoards has been linked with the Alamanic invasion in 235/236: Vindobona II, Vindobona V, Carnuntum IV (Dembski 1977, 21). However, doubts have 493 p C. GÃZDAC been raised about the alleged cause for the burials and non-recovery of these hoards. The latest coins of Vindobona II are those of Elagabalus (Gãzdac 2002, p. 173). Moreover, the hoard was found on the territory of the legionary fortress at Vindobona (Pink 1932, 60; FMRÖ IX 1978, 47) and presumably, belonged to a military person. In this find there are no coins of Severus Alexander, i.e. not datable for more than 10 years before the Alamanic raids. Furthermore, all the other hoards of similar date in the group from the neighbouring areas of Eferding, Salzburg, Seewalchen, Starkenbach and Zeiselmauer end with the coins of Severus Alexander or even with those of Maximinus I Thrax (Dembski 1977, 21–23). It is possible that the non-recovery of these hoards was caused by a different reason. Similar doubts have been expressed about the hoard of Vindobona V containing 8 denarii of the period from Elagabalus to Severus Alexander (Gãzdac 2002, p. 173). This “hoard” was found in a field of graves where also an as of Claudius I was found (FMRÖ IX 1978, 113). There is no certain evidence that these 8 denarii were found together and even if they were, similar cases are known of ordinary deposits in graves. It is difficult for the moment to say if this monetary deposit can be considered a hoard buried for some emergency reasons or it is a normal deposit in grave. All three hoards contain only denarii, but there is a hypothesis that the hoard of Carnuntum IV recovered only partially, could also have contained “some antoniniani” (Dembski 1977, 23). The contents of two hoards shows a small number of denarii of the emperors before Septimius Severus (Vindobona II, Carnuntum IV) and a sudden increase under Septimius Severus. This increase of Septimius Severus’s denarii may be linked to the debasement of the silver coinage, in both weight and fineness; this seems to be accompanied by a peak of denarius-production in AD 197–198 at the end of the Civil War (Duncan-Jones 1998, 104. 142; Crawford 1978, 152; Carson 1967, 226; Carson 1990, 61). After Septimius Severus’ reign the coefficient/year decreased during the reigns of Elagabalus (Vindobona IV) and Severus Alexander (Carnuntum IV) which marked the end of the hoards (Gãzdac 2002, p. 173). In these hoards the antoninianus is completely missing. Another horizon of non-recovered hoards has been linked with the usurpation by Regalianus around 260/261 (Dembski 1977, 31). These hoards differ from the other two groups, in that they contain a great number of coins (361 coins Apetlon I, 243 coins Berndorf — recovered only partially, 241 coins Hochneukirchen), except for Carnuntum III (Gãzdac 2002, p. 175, 177, 178). This can be explained by the replacement of the denarius by the antoninianus, especially during the reign of Gordian III onwards (Carson 1967, 228), the latter denomination with a lower content of silver but present in big quantities. A possible explanation of this situation can be that a debasement of coins tended to be accompanied by increased mint-activity (Duncan-Jones 1998, 104). The hoards contain a mixture of denarii and antoniniani, except for the Carnuntum III which comprises only antoniniani. The presence of denarii in the hoards of Apetlon I, Berndorf and Hochneukirchen may be due to the fact that this coinage, of the emperors before Caracalla, with a higher content of silver than the debased antoninianus was hoarded because of their value (Reece 1987, 58). The moment of the ultimate “triumph” of the antoninianus over the denarius is marked by the hoard of Berndorf comprising 4 denarii and 24 antoniniani (Gãzdac 2002, p. 178). At the same time, the reign of Valerian marks the highest level of finds/year in all these hoards (Gãzdac 2002, p. 361–364). Characteristic of the hoards of the 2nd half of the 3rd century is the presence of issues from mints other than Rome and Antioch as a result of decentralised minting (Howgego y 494 MONETARY CIRCULATION IN PANNONIA SUPERIOR — THE TERRITORIES OF CARNUNTUM AND VINDOBONA 1994, 12): Viminacium — the silver issues — under Trajan Decius; Mediolanum, Colonia and an eastern mint in Syria under Valerian. The highest percentage in these hoards still comes from the mint of Rome. One antoninianus in the hoard of Apetlon I was issued from the temporary mint of Carnuntum, where Regalianus had his headquarters (Gãzdac 2002, p. 177). The remaining hoards of Oslip, Grosshöflein and Winden am See represent, probably, a different category. The hoard of Oslip has been linked with the raids of the Alamans during the reign of Aurelian (Dembski 1977, 33) but it contains 18 antoniniani of the period from Gallienus to Aurelian/Divus Claudius (Gãzdac 2002, p. 179). The hoards of the same period in the neighbouring area contain a large quantity of coins: Baldersdorf — 3000 pieces, Ennsdorf — 212 pieces, Globasnitz — more than 324 pieces, Lauriacum — 282 pieces and Strettweg — more than 2897 pieces (Dembski 1977, 33–36). Therefore, from a quantitative point of view, in contrast to other hoards ending in the same period, it is possible that the hoard of Oslip represents probably some daily losses of money and not necessarily a hoard buried in an emergency. Both the hoards of Grosshöflein and Winden am See contain a small quantity of nummi: 13 nummi of Constantine I, 8 nummi of Diocletian (Gãzdac 2002, p. 149). During the reign of the latter and especially after the monetary reform of Diocletian, the hoards from the surrounding area contain small quantities of new bronze denominations (average: 25 coins AE/ hoard) (Dembski 1977, 38–40)4. Conclusions Some observations can be made about the non-recovered hoards in the territories of Vindobona and Carnuntum. The biggest group of hoards comes from the reigns of M. Aurelius and Commodus. According to Duncan-Jones this increase in the nmber of hoards in the 160s was a result of the extravagant donativa and congiaria (Duncan-Jones 1998, 88–89). The same author considers that times of warfare and unrest does not explain the cause of non-recovery of hoards since hoards ending with M. Aurelius were found in areas where no Marcomanic invasions took place (Duncan-Jones 1998, 77). But in the territories of Vindobona and Carnuntum the situation could have been different. Both sites, Carnuntum and Vindobona, were important legionary centres on the Pannonian limes in the first line against Marcomanic invasions, and some of the non-recovered hoards come from these two sites. The hoards ending in the periods of the 160s represent the most numerous group of finds of the whole period. Moreover, groups of non-recovered hoards have been used to chart the invasions in other parts of the Empire (Reece 1987, 69–70). Therefore, it can be suggested that, although the hoards from the area of Carnuntum and Vindobona could have come from numerous donativa and congiaria, and have been buried for any unknown personal reasons, the Marcomanic wars seem to be the main cause of the non-recovery of the hoards. Also the hoards from the area of Carnuntum and Vindobona show, as Bruun demonstrated, that the owner of a hoard might keep only coins with high value whilst avoiding those with low value (Bruun 1978, 114–123). A good example of this type is the hoard of Berndorf ending with coins of the sole reign of Gallienus but which still contains 4 Exception is the hoard from Schwechat recorded with 12,000 bronze, unfortunately unpublished. 495 p C. GÃZDAC denarii of Titus (Gãzdac 2002, p. 178). Altogether the hoards ending by the middle of the 3rd century AD show that denarii disappeared gradually as has already been noted by R. Bland (Bland 1996, 78). The hoards ending before the middle of the 3rd century contain only a single metal (aurei or denarii), except the hoard from Illmitz where denarii are mixed with bronze denominations. After the middle of the 3rd century hoards contain mixed denominations of denarii and antoniniani. At the end of our period the hoards again contain a single denomination (antoniniani or nummi). THE ISOLATED FINDS A. Gold The presence of gold coins, aurei, in the isolated finds from this region is very rare. For the period studied there are only 8 pieces (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264) and one hoard of gold coins Vindobona III (Gãzdac 2002, p. 171). All of them come from the main sites of the area, Carnuntum (6) and Vindobona. There are no gold coins from the other sites. The 8 pieces were issued under Trajan (2), Hadrian (3), Septimius Severus (1), Aurelian (1) and Diocletian (1). If in the western part of the Empire the losses of gold reach their lowest level during the second half of the 3rd century (Bland 1996, 64), in the area of Carnuntum, except for one coin of Aurelian, these losses are at their lowest level, almost zero, during the whole period of this century. In comparison with other denominations, the aureus is under 1% for each of the emperors who had issued gold coins. In this period we know only one hoard of gold coins, Vindobona III. For the territories of Carnuntum and Vindobona as regarding the number of pieces this hoard is placed amongst the biggest hoards ending in the reign of M. Aurelius. Also the face-value of this hoard (HS 29800) represents 93.4% of the aggregate of the other hoards ending in the same period (HS 2092), confirming that the gold hoards have an important place as face value coins (Duncan-Jones 1998, 70). The rarity of gold coins is a feature of the site finds. This situation cannot reflect the real situation of gold coinage in circulation (Howgego 1982, 4). The example of Pompeii shows that, in fact, the gold coins represent 76% of the total by value (Howgego 1982, 11). The value of this coinage made people careful not to lose it (Reece 1987, 27; Hogego 1982, 4). The small number of gold coins and lack of any hoard of gold, especially in the second half of the 3rd century and the beginning of the 4th century, has been explained by people starting to melt gold coins and reusing it as jewellery (bracelet, necklace) (Callu 1990, 106). B. Silver Until the middle of the 3rd century the denarius was the main silver recovered denomination. During the period from Trajan to M. Aurelius, this denomination usually appears with a medium percentage in comparison to the bronze denominations (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264– 272), but could also reach the extremes. The highest percentage of this denomination is found at Freistadt, Schützen am Gebirge and Halbturn in the reign of Trajan, and at Illmitz in the reign of Antoninus Pius, but is altogether absent at Loretto (Hadrian, Antoninus Pius), Oslip (Trajan, Hadrian, M. Aurelius), Marz (Trajan, M. Aurelius), Neusiedl am See, y 496 MONETARY CIRCULATION IN PANNONIA SUPERIOR — THE TERRITORIES OF CARNUNTUM AND VINDOBONA Apetlon (period Trajan – M. Aurelius), Halbturn (M. Aurelius), Illmitz (Trajan, Hadrian, M. Aurelius), Winden am See (Trajan), Zurndorf (Trajan, Antoninus Pius), Deutschkreutz (Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius) (Gãzdac 2002, p. 268–272, the sites from Austria). The site-finds reveal a small number of denarii from the reign of Commodus: Carnuntum, Vindobona, Freistadt, Marz, Neusiedl am See, Strebersdorf and also for emperors with short reigns, Pertinax, Didius Julianus, Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus. For the last category of emperors denarii have been found at Carnuntum and Vindobona (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264) but are absent altogether at the other sites. The number of denarii in the site-finds records an increase for the reign of Septimius Severus (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). As revealed by the majority of the sites studied, the denarii of Septimius Severus form more than 80% of the coins of all denominations of this emperor. Moreover, at some of the sites such as Freistadt, Loretto, Marz, Pöttsching, Neusiedl am See, Halbturn and Illmitz, Septimius’s denarius is the only denomination which has been found for this emperor. This increase of denarii-finds for Septimius Severus might be connected with the increase of denarius-production at the end of the Civil War in 197/198 (Duncan-Jones 1998, 142) and the rarity of Severan bronze coinage. The finds of denarii yield a lower level under Caracalla and also under Macrinus, as revealed by the sites where his coins were found. But during the reigns of Elagabalus and Severus Alexander the coefficient/year rose again and reached the maximum (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). At this point, it should be stressed that some authors use the great quantity of denarii of Septimius Severus to argue that the period of his reign marks a peak in the supply of this area with silver (Kränzl 1996, 267). On the contrary, the coefficient of entries/year shows that the value was higher during the reigns of Elagabalus and Severus Alexander rather than under Septimius Severus. After Severus Alexander the denarius continued to be the main silver denomination, but its representation gradually decreased by the reign of Gordian III (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). The reign of Gordian III marks the last stage of the presence of this denomination in finds of this region. As a silver denomination the denarius was replaced by the antoninianus. Further, the denarii of Gordian III are to be found only in the sites of Carnuntum (9), Vindobona (1), Marz (1) and Halbturn (1). After Gordian III, denarii have been found in very small quantity and only in one place, Strebersdorf, apart from some denarii from the reigns of Gallienus and Aurelian found at Carnuntum, where they form only 0.4% and 3.1% of all isolated finds of these emperors (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 272). As is already known, the denarius of the 260s was primarily produced for special occasions (King 1978, 79–80) and probably did not at this time have a significant role as small change (King 1978, 84). The other main silver denomination, the antoninianus, was first issued in 215 by Caracalla (Carson 1990, 60) but from his reign a small percentage (2.1%) of this denomination was found only at Carnuntum, and the low level continues under Elagabalus and Severus Alexander (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264). This situation can be explained by the monetary policy of Elagabalus who abandoned the antoninianus in 219 (Carson 1967, 228; Bland 1996, 69). From the reign of Gordian III antoniniani form the highest percentage of all denominations from the sites where the issues of Gordian III are found: Carnuntum — 41.3%, Vindobona — 31.8% and at Loretto and Marz — even 100% (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268, 269). During the following reigns of Philip I, Trajan Decius and Trebonianus Gallus, the 497 p C. GÃZDAC antoninianus took precedence over bronze denominations and, in fact, except in the case of Carnuntum, during the period from Valerian to Diocletian it became the only denomination in circulation (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). Under Diocletian the percentage of antoninianus-finds decreased dramatically. While at Strebersdorf the percentage is still 100%, at Carnuntum, Winden am See, Oslip, Neckenmarkt, Schützen am Gebirge and Marz, this percentage is already reduced (38.8%, 33.3%, 33.3%, 57.1% and 50%) and at Halbturn it declines to 23%, at Vindobona — 3.9%, Freistadt — 13.3%. It is completely absent from the sites of Apetlon, Neusiedl am See, Müllendorf and Loretto. The small silver denomination, the quinarius, is well represented at Carnuntum during the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian (8 pieces and 21 pieces respectively) but only one piece each from the reigns of Antoninus Pius, Commodus and Carinus (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264). The other sites of Neusiedl am See, Illmitz, Zurndorf provide only 3 quinarii (Gãzdac 2002, p. 270, 271). This distribution of quinarii in the territories of Carnuntum and Vindobona, both legionary camps, seems to support the hypothesis that the small denominations are uncommon and have a close connection with the army (Reece 1987, 29). C. The bronze The site finds provide a very large quantity of bronze coins, the majority of which belong to the 2nd century as date of issue. The smallest bronze denomination that widely circulated, the as, has the highest percentages during the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). This pattern applies to all the sites studied. From the reign of Commodus the percentage gradually declined. While at Carnuntum and Vindobona this denomination ceased to appear under Trebonianus Gallus and Aurelian, on the rest of the sites it disappeared much earlier: at Halbturn under Antoninus Pius; at Freistadt, Loretto, Oslip, Pöttsching, Neusiedl am See, Apetlon, Illmitz and Winden am See under M. Aurelius; at Neckenmarkt under Septimius Severus; at Schützen am Gebirge, Strebersdorf and Marz under Caracalla; at Müllendorf under Elagabalus. The evolution of the dupondius is similar to that of the as. The highest frequency of recovery for the dupondius occurs for the period Trajan–M. Aurelius, with a medium percentage, compared to that of the other bronze denominations (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). In the two main sites studied, Carnuntum and Vindobona, the dupondius is found as late as Trebonianus Gallus and Severus Alexander but with a very low frequency. In contrast with Carnuntum and Vindobona, the small sites reveal different conditions for the dupondius, in that this denomination is found at almost all of them, but did not continue beyond the reign of Marcus (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272) or is absent altogether from Oslip and Zurndorf (Gãzdac 2002, p. 269, 271). This situation, of scarce dupondius site-finds after M. Aurelius’s reign in the territories of Carnuntum and Vindobona, confirms the pattern that by the reign of Commodus dupondii and asses had become very rare to be issued (Burnett 1987, 58). In the case of the higher value bronze denomination, the sestertius, the situation is different. The sestertius has a medium percentage during the period from Trajan to M. Aurelius: Loretto and Oslip in the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian and M. Aurelius; at Schützen am Gebirge, Halbturn, Illmitz, Winden am See and Neckenmarkt in the reign of Trajan; at Müllendorf, Marz and Zurndorf in the reign of Hadrian. But at Apetlon it is altogether absent. From Commodus onwards, this area reflects the pattern of the sestertius as the main bronze denomination either because it reaches the highest percentage amongst the y 498 MONETARY CIRCULATION IN PANNONIA SUPERIOR — THE TERRITORIES OF CARNUNTUM AND VINDOBONA bronze denominations, or on the majority of the sites it is the only one to be found (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). It must be noted that the find-frequency of sestertii decreases starting with the reign of Septimius Severus, an aspect which has been suggested as well as a pattern operating for the whole Roman Empire (RIC IV.1, 77). The decrease in the quantity of bronze coins under Septimius Severus has been interpreted by some authors as a possible interruption or diminution in the bronze supply by the government (Walker 1989, 299; Clay 1988, 219–220; Duncan-Jones 1998, 108). On these sites the end date of sestertius-finds falls in different periods (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). At Vindobona and Strebersdorf the final period fell in the reign of Aemilianus, and at Carnuntum in the reign of Valerianus/ Gallienus, at the time of the closure of the mint of Viminacium. In the case of the other sites, the end of the sesterce is in the period between Severus Alexander — at Loretto and Pöttsching — and Trebonianus Gallus — at Schützen am Gebirge, Zurndorf and Neckenmarkt (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). As in the case of the quinarius, the smallest bronze denominations, semisses and quadrantes, do not seem to have played a significant role in exchange in this region. All that was found are: 1 quadrans (0.4%) and 1 semis (0.4%) at Carnuntum, and 1 quadrans (3.4%) at Vindobona. Like the quinarius, both of the smallest bronze denominations have been found in the military camps (Reece 1987, 29)5, but there is no mention of these denominations at the other sites. However unlike the quinarius, these two bronze denominations had a relatively short period of production. The minting of pieces smaller than as, i.e. semisses and quadrantes effectively stopped after Antoninus Pius (Burnett 1987, 58). All three small bronze denominations, 1 semis and 2 quadrantes found in the area of Carnuntum and Vindobona were issued in the reign of Trajan (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264). A particular feature of this area of research, at Carnuntum are the so-called limesfalsa. These coins are light-weight aes casts with a small thin flan, often of low-quality metal (Boon 1965, 161). Some authors consider these bronze issues as a local currency (Kränzl 1996, 268). This coinage contains issues of the emperors from Augustus to Severus Alexander. Until the beginning of the reign of Septimius Severus this coinage has a low find-frequency but then begins to rise steadily until the reign of Severus Alexander, and then suddenly disappears under Gordian III. G. Boon has mentioned one limesfalsum of Gordian III at Carnuntum, but until now there are no records of such coins for this emperor (Boon 1965, 166). It should be mentioned that cast coins are common in the 3rd century AD, and many were probably connected with the military camps. Besides Carnuntum, such cast coins have been found in military sites, including spoilt casts, namely Brigetio (Pannonia Superior) (Kubitschek 1921, 151–152), Caerleon (Britannia) (Boon 1965, 166; Casey 1974, 107), Iliºua (Protase 1997, 47) (Dacia) but also in a civilian site at Pachten (Saarland, Germany) (Alföldi 1971, 354–363). The date of issue of the casts presents a problem, because from some sites they were “clearly moulded at a fairly late date” (Boon 1965, 107). At the same time, moulds depicting obverses and reverses of different emperors have been found together (Alföldi 1971, Taf. V). At Carnuntum, the latest issues of limesfalsa issues found so far are from Severus Alexander. Since from the beginning of Gordian III’s reign there are no further issues of limesfalsa, the end of limesfalsa could be linked with the opening of the mint of Viminacium in 239 (Martin 1992, 9), which supplied bronze coins for the capital of Pannonia Superior. 5 The author considers both denominations to be linked with the army. 499 p C. GÃZDAC D. Provincial issues Besides the issues of the imperial mints, the site finds from the area of Carnuntum and Vindobona, also provide coins minted by some cities in the provinces of the Roman Empire. Except for the short reigns of some emperors or usurpers, issues of some provincial mints reached Carnuntum regularly, but formed a small percentage of the coins issued from the official mints (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264). The highest percentage of provincial issues is recorded for Caracalla (13%). At Vindobona the most frequently founds are issues produced in the period from Tajan to Septimius Severus. Next in the issues found at Vindobona are those of Severus Alexander and Gordian III (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264). Later only the tetradrachmas of Alexandria have been found in small quantities under Valerian, Claudius II, Aurelian, Probus and Diocletian. The representation of provincial coins is not the same at all the sites of this area. These issues were found only in small numbers at Schützen am Gebirge for the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian Antoninus Pius, M. Aurelius and Caracalla; at Zurndorf in the reign of Septimius Severus; at Müllendorf in the reign of M. Aurelius; at Neckenmarkt under Antoninus Pius and Septimius Severus (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). There is no evidence of provincial coins from the other sites. The majority of the provincial issues found in the territories of Carnuntum and Vindobona were bronze. Silver is very rarely found and comes from Lycia, Amisus in Pontus, Carrhae, Caesarea Cappadociae and Alexandria Egypti. For the Egyptian tetradrachms it is difficult to say if they were accepted in exchange or just thrown away as a foreign currency6. None of the hoards from this area contain these coins. They were issued only until Diocletian’s coinage reform which ended the separate, which stopped the closed currency system of Egypt, and so the mint of Alexandria ceased striking tetradrachmas (Carson 1990, 274). The drachmas of Lycia under Trajan were also accepted in circulation because they looked like denarii, even if the silver fineness was lower than that of the denarius (Howgego 1992, 14). At Carnuntum the bronze provincial coins came from a variety of Greek cities in Greece proper, Asia, Cappadocia, Thrace and Moesia Inferior. Best represented is the Greek city of Nicaea Bythiniae, especially during the reigns of Severus Alexander and Gordian III. The same pattern is recorded at Vindobona where provincial coins issued by the same mint for the emperors Severus Alexander and Gordian III are frequently found. At Schützen am Gebirge the bronze provincial coins found were issued from the mint of Antioch; at Neckenmarkt — from those of Laodicea Syriae and Nikopolis ad Istrum; at Zurndorf the single provincial coin found was issued from the mint of Pautalia Thraciae. Slightly later in the 3rd century, the issues of Viminacium held an important place amongst the provincial coins, and seem to have replaced the mint of Rome for the supply of bronze coins. The establishment of the mint of Viminacium represents a monetary policy to supply bronze coins locally to the neighbouring areas from the nearest mint. Moreover, from the reign of Gordian III, the mint of Viminacium came second only to that of Rome. Starting with the Philip I, in this region, the frequency of Viminacium-finds began to take precedence over the issues of Rome. Further, after the opening of the mint of Dacia in AD 246, the “PROVINCIA DACIA” issues of this emperor are present at Carnuntum (Martin 1992, 10). 6 Information Dr. C. Howgego (University of Oxford). y 500 MONETARY CIRCULATION IN PANNONIA SUPERIOR — THE TERRITORIES OF CARNUNTUM AND VINDOBONA E. Fourth-century coins A different situation characterizes the coins of the 4th century AD. The monetary reform of Diocletian in AD 294 changed radically the Roman monetary system. Silver and bronze experienced changes to their weights, their denomination of labels and their values relative to one another (King 1988, 33). In the territories of Carnuntum and Vindobona only one gold coin issued in the reign of Diocletian has been recorded, but this is not surprising. The rarity of gold coin finds has already been discussed above in this study. The silver denomination minted between c. 295 and 305, the argenteus, is not frequently found in these sites. Apart from 12 argentei of Diocletian and 2 of Constantine I at Carnuntum, and 1 of Diocletian at Vindobona, no other argentei have been found in this area. The permanently debasement of the earlier silver coinage and the monetary reform of Diocletian increased the value of the argenteus for that period (Bruun 1979, 131–148; King 1988, 14). After the monetary reform of Diocletian in 294 a new silver-gilt bronze coinage, the nummus (Erim 1971, 176; King 1988, 18), was introduced. In the area under study the nummus quickly became the most frequently found denomination. Although during the reign of Diocletian denominations other than the nummus have still been recorded, during the reign of Constantine I, except for 2 argentei (0.1%) found at Carnuntum, all other coins recorded are nummi. At other sites the nummus is the only denomination found in this period (Gãzdac 2002, p. 264, 268–272). This situation is typical for the early 4th century when the issues of nummi were abundant and produced at a large number of mints (King 1976, 80). The mints For the study of mints it was chosen the site of Carnuntum only because of the quantity of material and the diversity of issues. Until the reign of Septimius Severus the mint of Rome was the only one who supplied this site (Gãzdac 2002, p. 217–235 – Carnuntum). During the reign of Septimius Severus are in Carnuntum also the issues from Alexandria (2), Emesa (30) Laodicea (8), Caesarea (2) present. At the same time the limesfalsum issues start to rise their quantity. For the next reigns of Caracalla–Severus Alexander at Carnuntum the official issues belongs only to Rome in parallel with limesfalsa. This coinage will reach the highest level of percentage under the reign of Elagabalus. From the reing of Severus Alexander are also the coins issued at Antioch present (Gãzdac 2002, p. 224 – Carnuntum). The reign of Gordian III brought a new situation. The opening of the mint from Viminacium in 239–240 (Martin 1992, 9) represents for Carnuntum a new source of supply with bronze coins. Starting even from Gordian III, Viminacium’s mint came on second place after Rome. Along Viminacium, another mint which continues to supply with silver coins Carnuntum is Antioch until the reign of Claudius II. The reign of Philip I marks two new situations. Firstly, the bronze issues of Viminacium start to dominate the same issues of Rome. Secondly, the appearance of issues “Provincia Dacia” followed the opening of this mint in Dacia at 246 (Martin 1992, 10). The decline of bronze issues of Rome is rapidly under Trajan Decius and Trebonianus Gallus and these denominations are replaced by the issues of Viminacium (Gãzdac 2002, p. 226–227 – Carnuntum). At the same time 501 p C. GÃZDAC under Trajan Decius, Viminacium issued also antoniniani but their quantity will not passed the same issues of Rome. As a general situation for the reign of Trajan Decius the percentage of Viminacium passed that of Rome. The issues of Provincia Dacia continue to stay in circulation but at a very low percentage (Gãzdac 2002, p. 227 – Carnuntum). Under Valerian I the massive issues of antoniniani will change the situation. Rome became again the main mint to supply Carnuntum (Gãzdac 2002, p. 228 – Carnuntum) and the issues of Viminacium and Provincia Dacia stopped in this reign (Martin 1992, 12, 21). At the same time, appear the coins from the mint of Colonia and Ephesos. The usurpation of Victorinus brings in Carnuntum the coins of this usurper from Colonia and Treveri. For the reign of Gallienus Rome has 83.1% of the coins. Also present are the issues of the new opening mints of Mediolanum and Siscia (5.9%, 6.1%). Other official mints presented in Carnuntum under Gallienus are those from the East without playing a real (0.1%) role in supply and circulation at this site. The identification of these eastern mints has different hypothesis until now (Besly 1983, 40–41). At this state of research it is impossible to place precisely these oriental mints. Concerning the mint style it is typical for Eastern part of the Empire7. In the same time with the official issues of Gallienus circulate the issues of usurper Regalianus (Göbl 1963, 5) and the Gallic empire of Postumus. All the coins of Regalianus (26) have been issued at Carnuntum while the coins of Postumus (5) are coming from the mint of Colonia (Gãzdac 2002, p. 229 – Carnuntum). With the reign of Claudius II at Carnutum appeared more issues of other official mints: Mediolanum, Siscia, Colonia. The reign of Aurelian marked at Carnuntum the ascension of issues from Siscia which will became the main mint for the last period of this study. The percentage of the mint Siscia will pass that of Rome during the reigns of Florianus and Probus. The last period of domination for the mint of Rome was the period of emperors Carus and Carinus when the other official mints: Antioch, Alexandria, Treveri have a small percentage (Gãzdac 2002, p. 233 – Carnuntum). The reign of Diocletian and the monetary reform of 294 bring the issues of new official mints. The best represented at Carnuntum are the coins from Rome, Siscia, Ticinum, Carthago and Aquileia. At the lowest percentage are the issues from Treveri, Serdica, Londinum, Nicomedia and Thessalonica (Gãzdac 2002, p. 234 – Carnuntum). Under the reign of Constantine I the situation of mints has changed. The mint which clearly dominated is Siscia followed by mint of Thessalonica. There are other mints with a medium percentage: Rome, Cyzicus, Ticinum, Heraclea, Nicomedia, Arelate and Constantinople. The lowest percentage for this reign have the mints from Alexandria, Lugdunum, Londinum, Tripoli, Ostia, Sirmium (Gãzdac 2002, p. 234 – Carnuntum). Conclusions Based on the graphics of isolated coin finds/year, one can observe a pattern of site finds in the territories of Carnuntum and Vindobona from AD 98 to 337 (Gãzdac 2002, p. 413, 416–419). For the period AD 98–180 coins are constantly recorded in all of the sites. For the next period AD 180–192, in this area the coefficient of coin finds/year shows a strong decrease and at some of the sites it is even zero: Loretto, Oslip, Schützen am Gebirge, 7 Information Dr. Cathy King (University of Oxford). y 502 MONETARY CIRCULATION IN PANNONIA SUPERIOR — THE TERRITORIES OF CARNUNTUM AND VINDOBONA Pöttsching, Apetlon, Illmitz, Winden am See, Zurndof. The coins issued in AD 193–218 reappear on all sites, and the coefficient of coin finds/year rises again. At the same time starting with Septimius Severus (AD 193–211), all site-finds indicate a predominance of silver coinage over the bronze denomination. The increase of silver coins and the scarcity of bronze finds in this period seem to be a general pattern in the Roman Empire. A possible explanation could come from the process of gradual debasement of the silver coinage (Crawford 1978, 152–158; Mac Dowall 1979, 143; Carson 1965, 226; Carson 1990). As already stated, under Antoninus Pius bronze pieces smaller than the as stopped (Burnett 1987, 58). In the reign of Commodus the denarius was issued with a weight of 2.93 gr. and 67% silver content (Carson 1965, 226) together with scanty issues of dupondii and asses (Burnett 1987, 58). Debasement of the denarius continued during the reign of Septimius Severus. Its fineness declined from 78% in 193 to 62% in 196. At the same time, denariusproduction reaches a high peak in connected to the payment of troops in AD 197/198 at the end of the Civil War (Duncan-Jones 1998, 142). At the time of the debasement of the denarius and the increase of silver production, a low level of minting is recorded for the bronze coinage. As has been seen, the smallest bronze denominations — semisses and quadrantes — ceased to be issued by the mid-second century and the medium bronze denominations — dupondii and asses — became rare by the end of the century. Also the period of a reduced production of bronze coinage coincides with the period of increased silver production. Perhaps the scarcity of bronze coins was the reason for the start, or increase, in the issues of limesfalsa at Carnuntum, which continued until the supply with bronze became more regular again at the time of the opening of the mint of Viminacium. The period 218–238 shows an increase in the coin-finds coefficient, and is followed by a period — AD 238–260 — of a slight decrease. The peak of coin finds elsewhere is represented by the period AD 260–275, which is characterised at some sites by a huge difference from the other periods. The massive issues of antoniniani with low silver content, and presumably of low value in this period (Fitz 1976, 18) increased the chances of their being lost and not retrieved. The following period, 275–284, is a period of decrease, outing by comparison with the previous one, although still high. A possible reason could be seen in the effect of Aurelian’s monetary reform. The introduction of the new antoninianus with improved weight and fineness of silver (Carson 1965, 231) may have caused the demonetization of old issues, which may have been abandoned (Howgego 1982, 3). In this situation it is difficult to tell the difference between the coins of the period 260–275 dropped at that time and those dropped because of monetary change at the end of the reign of Aurelian. The coin-finds coefficient shows a further decline in the period 284–305, but the last period of our study, 306–337, is marked by a strong increase; the nummus gradually decreased in weight and silver fineness (Reece 1987, 75; King 1988, 5). At this time on the one hand, the issues of silver are rare between 306–324 (King 1988, 11–88), on the other hand the bronze coins were abundant and produced at a large number mints (King 1976, 80). Based on this evidence it appears that the bronze coins were more often lost as ordinary coins whilst the silver finds, 2 pieces in Carnuntum, as valuable coins are rare. Another observation relating to the monetary circulation in this area arises from the lack of specific provenance. At Carnuntum, because of the state of the old finds, no clear evidence exists about the exact location of where they were found. The most recent publications of coins found on the territory of the legionary fortress and the civilian town, form only a small part of the total number of coins from Carnuntum (Dembski 1985, 5–21; 503 p C. GÃZDAC Göbl 1987; Göbl 1993, 59). But, out of four hoards of the period from Trajan to Constantine, two were found in the area of the legionary fortress and one in the area of the military amphitheatre. At Vindobona the picture is similar to that of Carnuntum. A small quantity of coins was found in the area of the legionary fortress (154), but almost an equal quantity comes from the military territory (419) and from the Roman town (414). In contrast to Carnuntum, out of four hoards only that of Vindobona II was found on the territory of the legionary fortress. As to the nature of the find spots, a big difference exists between the main sites of Carnuntum and Vindobona, and the other sites, the majority of which were ancient vici. The difference between Carnuntum and Vindobona, on one hand, and some of the vici on the other is shown by the frequency of finds. At first sight, it seems that the two sites, which were both legionary fortresses and Roman coloniae, were higher coin users than rural sites, a general pattern for the Roman Empire in this period (Reece 1987, 94). But it may also be pointed out that one should take into account the state of research (Howgego 1982, 3). At the sites of Carnuntum and Vindobona excavations have been recorded over a long period and the coins have been published in corpora (FMRÖ III/1 — Carnuntum; FMRÖ IX — Vienna). In the countryside the situation is different; for only two out of 16 rural sites discussed in the present paper have been recorded systematic excavations which took place at the end of the last century and at the beginning of the 20th century. Systematic excavations have been recorded at Müllendorf in 1890–1895, 1898, 1910, 1912 (Pascher 1949, 94) and Deutschkreutz in 1925–1927 (Pascher 1949, 25), while for four of the rural sites only small excavations are known: Freistadt in 1903 (Pascher 1949, 29); Loretto 1927 (Pascher 1949, 72); Schützen am Gebirge in 1913 (Pascher 1949, 135); Pöttsching in 1923 (Pascher 1949, 112), and for ten of the sites no excavations at all have taken place. In the majority of cases the coins were found by chance (FMRÖ I/2). It can be pointed out that the majority of published rural sites were situated on the main Roman roads of the area: on the road Savaria — Scarabantia: Neckenmarkt, Deutschkreutz and Strebersdorf; on the first road Scarabantia — Vindobona: Marz, Pöttsching; on the second road Scarabantia — Vindobona: the hoards of Grosshöflein and Müllendorf: on the Imperial road Scarabantia — Carnuntum: the hoards and isolated finds from Oslip and Schützen am Gebirge; finally, the hoard and isolated finds from Winden am See (see map). Other sites that provide important monetary material are those situated on the eastern side of the lake Neusiedler See: Neusiedl am See, Zurndorf, Halbturn, Illmitz, Apetlon, Wallern am See. Their location can be explained by trade activity around the lake and, most likely, by the existence of some other roads from Scarabantia to Ad Flexum and from Scarabantia to Carnuntum, via the eastern side of Lake Neusiedler See. In conclusion, it could be said that areas of the rural sites of Carnuntum and Vindobona were also monetized like the towns, which aspect of monetary circulation has been suggested for other parts of the Roman Empire, such as Egypt (Howgego 1982, 21). The purposes of coin use in rural areas was the payment of taxes (Howgego 1982, 22) and to effect transactions, between town and country (Howgego 1982, 22), since the majority of the rural sites studied here were placed on the main routes in the area where trade seems to have played an important role in the movement of coins. y 504 MONETARY CIRCULATION IN PANNONIA SUPERIOR — THE TERRITORIES OF CARNUNTUM AND VINDOBONA BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS M. Alföldi, Die Gußformen und gegossenen <Fälschungen> kaiserzeitlicher Münzen, Chiron 1, 1971, 351–363. Besly 1983 E.Besly — R. Bland, The Cunetio Treasure. Roman Coinage of the Third Century AD, London, 1983. Betz 1990 A. Betz — E. Weber, Aus Österreichs römischer Vergangenheit, Wien, 1990. 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