Coins in funerary context

EX OFFICINA... Studia in honorem Denes Gabler iMuKSl-iTA Gyor 2009 Ex officina... Studia in honorem Denes Gabler Herausgegeben von/Szerkesztette: Biro Szilvia Mitarbeiter/Munkatarsak: Bartha Sandor, Csaplaros Andrea, Lakatos Janka, Molnar Attila, Redo Ferenc, Serlegi Gabor, Zsidi Paula Dieser Band wurde unterstiitzt von/ A kotet megjeleneset tamogatta: Gyor-Moson-Sopron Megyei Muzeumok Igazgatosaga Magyar Tudomanyos Akademia Regeszeti Intezete Romer Floris Alapitvany © Mursella Regeszeti Egyesiilet © Autoren/Szerzok Gyor 2009 IN HALT Redo Ferenc Koszonto Gabler Denes 70. sziiletesnapjara / Gratulation zum 70. Geburtstag von Denes Gabler ........................ 9 Bibliographie von Denes Gabler ........................................................................................................................................... 17 laszlo bartosiewicz A Comparison between Roman Period and Langobard Dogs from Western Hungary ............................................... 29 David Bartus Beinschnitzereien und Vorbilder: die Problematik einer Luna-Darstellung ................................................................... 43 Szilvia Biro Neue Angaben zum Vicus von Arrabona ............................................................................................................................ 49 Katalin Boruzs - Geza Szabo Neue Votivtafeln aus Blei aus dem Komitat Tolna ............................................................................................................. 63 TlBOR budai balogh Pannonische Grubenhauser Abriss der romerzeitlichen Geschichte der eingetieften Wohnhauser ............................................................................. 77 csirke orsolya Romatol Romaig Csaszarkori videki telepulesek es a kozepkori falusi templomok kapcsolata a Balaton-felvideken ........................... Ill R. Facsady Annamaria Toredekes Venus szobor Aquincumbol ............................................................................................................................. 131 Bence Feher - Adam Szabo Ariagna in Pannonia ............................................................................................................................................................... 137 Oliver GAbor OinochoeJugs from the 5* Century BC found in Szajk (Baranya County) ..................................................................... 145 Agnes GAzdac Alfoldy - Cristian GAzdac Coins in Funerary Contexts. The Case of Brigetio .......................................................................................................... 161 Stefan Groh Neue Forschungen an der BernsteinstraBe in Nordwestpannonien- Die romischen Militarlager und der Vicus von Strebersdorf und Frankenau/Frakanava (Mittelburgenland, Osterreich) ............................................................................................................................................. 175 eszter H. harsanyi Die Imitationen der Trierer schwarz engobierten Keramik in Pannonien ........................................................................ 189 havas zoltan Atilia Firma teglamuhelyenek termekei Pannoniaban ......................................................................................................... 205 Krisztina Hudak The Chronology of the Paintings in the Saint Peter and Paul Burial Chamber of Sopianae ........................................... 225 Anita Kirchhof Coffered Vault-decoration from Balaca Represented in Perspective ............................................................................... 239 KovAcs Peter AsopianaeisziiletesuMaximinus,a„rettenetespannoniai" .............................................................................................. 255 Orsolya Lang '' Unpleasant to Uve in, jet it A lakes the City Bach'': Functionsof Strip-buildings in the Aquincum Civil Townin theLight of New Discoveries ......................................... 271 andras MArton en collaboration avec estelle gauthier Les ossuaires en Pannonie ....................................................................................................................................................... 287 Reka Mladoniczki - Otto Sosztarits Die Strecke der BernsteinstraBe in Savaria ............................................... ............................................................................. 325 ZsoltMrav L. Cornelius Felix Plotianus, Statthalter von Commodus in Pannonia Inferior und die Baugeschichte des Auxiliarkastells Intercisa (Dunaujvaros, Ungarn) .................................................................. 357 Nagy Alexandra - Beszedes Jozsef Kora csaszarkori edeny bennszulott fazekas nevevel Lagymanyosrol (Budapest XI. keriilet) ........................................ 389 Levente Nagy Neuentdeckte romerzeitliche HiigelgraberinTransdanubien ........................................................................................... 403 Katalin OttomAnyi Eingeglattete Gefasse aus der letzten Periode der Siedlung von Budaors ......................................................................... 411 JUDIT pasztokai-szeoke Cut Rising from her Navel A Possible Allusion to a Protracted Delivery and Fortunate Maternal and Neonatal Survival ....................................... 443 Brigitta Petervary-Szanyi Evidence for Roman and post-Roman Trade in Ireland ..................................................................................................... 457 Peter ProhAszka Die romischen Goldmiinzen der Spatkaiserzeit aus dem Barbaricum des Karpatenbeckens Von der Tetrarchie bis zum Ende der Herrschaft von Theodosius 1.................................................................................. 471 LASZLO RUPNIK ~N<tw plutnbata tnamillata Find from Szentendre ..................................................................................................................... 491 Gabor Serlegi The Waterlogged Century ...................................................................................................................................................... 501 Krisztina Szirmai - Anett Verebes - Laszlo Kolto - Miklos Kis-Varga Bronze Statuettes from Aquincum Material Analyses of Imported Bronze Statuettes from Aquincum .................................................................................. 515 Melinda TorbAgyi "Purse Finds" in the Late Roman Graves in Pannonia ........................................................................................................ 525 Peter Vamos SchlangengefaBe in Aquincum ............................................................................................................................................... 537 lorant vass - szilamer peter panczel To Play or not to Play? Roman Dice from Porolissum in the Wesselenyi-Teleki Collection .................................................................................... 561 ISTVAN VlDA Late 2°d Century Sarmatian Coin Hoards .............................................................................................................................. 573 zsoltvisy Archaologische Forschungen an der ostlichen Grenze von Dacia superior ..................................................................... 587 Paula Zsidi Nicht alltagliches Lampenmodell-Negativ aus Aquincum ..................................................................................................599 EX OFFICINA... Studia in honorem Denes Gabler Gyor 2009, 161-174 Agnes Gazdac Alfoldy - Cristian Gazdac COINS IN FUNERARY CONTEXTS THE CASE OF BRIGETIO Introduction The necropolises of the Roman settlement of Brigetio were intense researched mostly through rescue excavations during the 20th century. Unfortunately, the results have never been published systematically However, some papers came out analyzing different artefacts (glass, coins)1 disco- vered in these necropolises. From the several hundred graves only few particular ones were published exhaustively.2 Since the archaeological material still exists in museums3 and some documentation on the excavations are available in the archives of the Hungarian National Museum the reconstruction of the total number of graves, the rite and some chronological remarks may to be suggested. Around the Roman settlement, large areas were used for burial purposes. The necropolises of the civil town were extended along the limes road, both west and east sides of the settlement. Two surfaces have been excavated between the civil town and the canabae legionis, the so called "Jaroka" and "Sorhaz kert" cemetery, probably belonging to the same necropolis. South to the canabae it was identified another funerary area, the so-called "Cecilia" cemetery. The necropolis "Gerhat" located westward of the the castrum has a military character. These grave fields were used preponderantly in the 2nd—3rd centuries AD, and contained cremation, and inhumation graves, too. In the late Roman time into the military camp refugee population has buried their dead close to the castrum (necropolis "Cellas"), mostly in brick cists and stone sarcophagus. However, the numismatic material from the necropolis of Brigetio was well published as a cata- logue, but the interpretation of the coin finds is far from being complete.4 Therefore this paper intend to place back the coins in their context, namely in the world of the funerary customs and believes. Methodology The relative high number of coins discovered in the graves offer the possibility to use statistical methods to emphasize different aspects of ritual deposition of coins in funerary context. Furthermore, the monographic publication of the coin finds from the settlement allows a comparison between the single finds from the settlement and the coins coming from the necropolis. For this study, it was taken into account those coins minted before the Tetrarchy and from those For glass artefacts see BARKOCZI 1966-1967, 67-89; BARKOCZI 1968a, 59-88; for coins see BlRO SEY 1977, 110-125. 2 barkoczi 1968b, 75-106; ProhAszka 2006, 79-104. 3 The majority of the archaeological material is kept in the Hungarian National Museum in Budapest, respectively in the City Museum of Tata (Komarom-Esztergom County). Three decades ago, J. Fitz has published a study dedicated to analyze of those coins coming from cemeteries within the context of monetary circulation, FlTZ 1980. A. gAzdac alfoldy - c. gAzdac cemeteries which were in use mostly in the early Roman period. While the number, value and placement of the coins in the grave show a caesura in the matter of funerary believes and religious mentality around the end of the 3rd century AD, we consider reasonable to analyze early Roman coin offerings in graves separately from the late ones.5 Thus, the chronological section of the coin finds discussed in the present paper runs from the republican period to AD 276—285 (from republican coins to the issues of Probus, Carus, Carinus). Numismatic comments on funerary believes The frequency of coin offerings in graves The total number of graves can be reconstructed only in the case of three funerary areas. The necropolis "Jaroka" provides us with 112 graves, "Sorhaz kert" 214 and "Gerhat" 133, in all together were 459 graves discovered. In the civilian settlements to which the "Jaroka" cemetery is related the percentage of graves with coin offerings is 29.46%; at "Sorhaz kert" 21.46%; at "Gerhat" 19.54 % (Fig. I). It is remarkable, that in the civilian town related to the "Jaroka" cemetery the practice to offer coins to the dead is higher then in the military one. Coins minted in the Early Roman Empire were discovered in 153 graves in Brigetio. It has to be emphasized that 142 graves have only one coin in inventory, 7 graves has 2 coins, 1 grave has 3 coins and another 5 items (1 antoninianus and 4 bronze), and in 3 cases we can talk about funerary coin deposits. Fig. II shows that in the time of the Early Empire the deposition of more then 1 coin in graves was a very rare practice (91% had only one coin in the grave inventory). This phenomenon can be considered a general pattern for this period not only for Pannonia, but also in the other regions.6 If we I % graves w ith coins Sorhaz kert Jaroka Gerhat 10 15 20 25 30 35 Fig I The percentage of coins in graves a study realized by J. Gorecki on the coin offerings from inhumation graves in the territory between Rhine, Mosel and Somme rivers has analysed a huge amount of data, mostly dating in the period of the Late Roman Empire. For this reason, the valuable observations could be taken into account only for the Late Roman period, gorecki 1975, 179-467. 6 gorini 1999, 76-77. For double coin offerings in cremation graves see rasbach 1997, 103, n. 32. 162 coins in funerary contexts 91% m 1 coin ■ 2 coins □ 3 coins □ 4/5 coins H funerary deposits Fig. II Number of coins in one grave try to understand the significance of the multiple coins in one grave in the time of the Early Roman Empire, we should take into account the fact that in the majority of the cases the multiple coins occurred in cremation graves, which could served for two deceased persons buried together, each of the corpse with its own coin.7 Ancient authors offer us another explanation for multiple coins in graves in the Early Empire. A passage from the satiric work of Lukianos of Samosata, Charon, mentions that the ferryman is going to visit the Earth to see how the humans are living there upstairs. Hermespychopomposwaicns Charon not to linger too much because Aecus, the doorkeeper, will be angry if he would not earn any money in whole day.8 Approximately in the same period, Apuleius, in the conversation between Psyche and the Tower, give us a suggestive picture on the miserly spirits of the Other World: " Herebyyou may see that avarice reigneth even amongst the dead; neither Charon or Pluto will do anything/or nought: fori/ itbe apoormanthatisnearto die, and lacketh money in his hand, non will allow him to give up the ghost. "' These works suggest that in the imagination of the superstitious people not only Charon, but Aecus, or even Dis Pater could ask for a tax to get the pour soul into the World of the Dead. As a consequence, in the mentality of credulous persons 2, 3 or more coins could be useful to ensure the safety passage of the beloved dead person. Coin deposits dating in the Early Empire are rare in Brigetio. In the necropolis "Sorhaz kert" an inhumation grave, no. 65, has 9 silver coins in its inventory, which runs from Marcus Antonius till Faustina II (8 denarii and 1 quinarius). The grave can be dated in the second half of the 2nd century AD.10 This supposition could be proved only if the graves would bee anthropological analysed, as in the case of Solymar cemetery. In the graves no. 23, 95 and 117 human remains of two individuals (adult and child) were discovered, but in these cases only one coin was found as inventory, KOCZTUR 1991, 177, 183, 193. 8 Lucian Charon 2. Apuleius, Metamorphoses 6, 18, 16-20 (The Loeb Classical Library). Avaricious is a characteristic attribute for Charon through the centuries, see for example the expression „avarusportitor" by Pseudo Ovidius, Consolatio adUviam 357-358. 10 In the inventory of the grave it was mentioned a knee brooch from silver and a bronze bracelet. 163 A. gAzdac alfoldy - c. gAzdac Unfortunately, there is no data about the context in which these coins were discovered, hence is difficult to interpret their purpose in the grave. Another hoard consisting on 23 coins: 2 asses (1 unidentified, 1 Faustina I); 1 sestertius (P M S COL VIM issued by Trebonianus Gallus) and 20 antoniniani (from Gallienus to Aurelian) has been found in the inhumation grave no. 9, near "the 10,000 litre container", situated only 400 meters from the castrum. The rich grave with stone sarcophagus had various precious artefacts in its inventory, which were dated in the time of Aurelianus." The coins were found grouped near the legs and it may be presumed that they were deposited in a bag of organic material. The significant aspect is that while the bronze coins had a symbolic value the silver ones had a rational reason to be there. The small funerary deposit of silver coins could have served as a marsupium1 (pocket money) for expends in the underworld, while the bronze coins rather represent the symbolic pars pro toto of the deceased's wealth which could represent the payment for passing from the earth life to the underworld. At the same time, the as minted in the time of Faustina I discovered in a 3rd century AD grave demonstrates the fact that the old bronze coins could remain longer in circulation. Because of their symbolic value, or the represen- tation on reverse side they were consciously selected and used in the funerary rituals.13 A very similar coin assemblage was mentioned in a 19th century report: in a stone coffin were found "42 Aurelian- type coins" (antoniniani?) and one coin unidentifiable (probably a bronze one).14 The distribution of denominations The distribution of denominations (Fig. Ill) gives as a representative picture on the selection of coins based on their value for funerary purposes. Is not surprisingly that the bronze coins (sestertius, dupondius, as, provincial issues) have a high percentage (98%, see Fig. IV) while the silver ones are scarce items in graves (except for the 3 silver deposits discussed above). The most common denomination deposited in graves is the as. Together with dupondius they represent 54%, while the genuine silver coins are only 2% of the total number of denominations. Plated silver coins came out in 2% of the graves, while provincial bronze issues in 3%, this percentage could be higher while 32% of the coins remained unidentifiable bronzes. Obviously, this statistic evidence is related to a well- defined custom that belong to the Mediterranean culture horizon.15 The spiritual background of the custom are the superstitious believes on the necessity to pay the tax to pass in the other world. Another concept regarding the coin offerings in graves, originated in the Mediterranean tradition, is expressed more concise by an epigrammatist, Ammianos, in the Anthologia Palatina: "Even if thou removestthy neighbour's boundaries till thou reachestthe Pillars of Heracles, aportion of earth equal to thatof all men awaits thee, and thou shalt lie like Irus, with no more than an obolonthee, dissolvinginto the earth that Jewellery and cosmetics instruments: gold necklace at the neck, bracelet from glass, lead mirror frame with heptagonal glass in the centre, double sided comb fragment; drinking service: globular glass vessel with long neck, glass; amulet: bronze statuette of Amor, BARKOCZI 1968a, 87-88. 12 J. Gorecki (GORECKI 1975, 250-257), has already discussed this function of the coins in detail. "The presence of the "old" (1st—2°d centuries AD) coins and contemporary items in the 3"d century AD dated graves is not an exception. Such cases were met in several necropolises in Pannonia, see FlTZ 1980, 37, tab. a, b. The supposition of the scholar that bronze coins could not remained in circulation for one or two hundred years may not be accepted. It is also difficult to admit that old bronze coins long time were in possession of a family and they were kept to be used in the cult of the dead. "Ermeszeti adalekok 1871, 283. 15 For the literary sources on coin offerings in graves with the literature on the topic see gazdac alfoldy 2009; for the statistic evidence about the spread of the custom from south (Italy) to the north-vest provinces see rasbach 1997, 106-110, Tab. 19, PL 50. 164 coins in funerary contexts is no more thine?' The idea already appeared in the 3' century BC, but it has been endowed trough the centuries.17 The dead is the big equalizer for the human beings, hence the fee for crossing the borders between the terrestrial life and stygian existence should have a symbolic value, a small portion from the entire (parspro Mo), accessible for everyone. It is difficult to say whether the coins are mirrors of real sentiments and believes, or they are a reflection of an inherited, but already empty custom. In reality, the situation could vary from case to case. Regarding the silver issues coming from graves we can observe that all coins are from the 3rd century (see Tab /); respectively one is a denarius suberatus depicting the emperor Vespasian. This data is corresponding with the shifts in the coin supply and coin circulation in this period. Already at the beginning of the 3rd century, but more pregnant in the second half of the 3rd century AD the bronze denominations became more and more rare in the coin amount,18 the good silver issues will be also scarcely, in the second half of the 3rd century AD the antoninianus come into prominence in the coin supply.19 The relative high number in graves of the bronze coins minted atViminacium (11 pieces), the so called P M S COL VIM is sues, is a similar reflection of the monetary policy in the mid-3Id century AD. This items were the most available ones and with the lowest value in Pannonia in the actually spectrum of coin circulation.20 The situation in Brigetio confirms the theory that coins deposited in graves were part of the actually coin circulation, but they were selected based on their small value and sometimes on their representation (see below) .21 Ammianos, A-tithokgia Valatina 11, 209. GAzdac Alfoldy 2009. FlTZ 1980, 30. GAZDAC 2002 with bibliography. GAZDAC 2002 with bibliography; FlTZ 1980, 30-32. Although G. Rasbach has noticed the selection of small bronze denominations in graves in the case of the necropolis of Asciburgium (Asberg). The scholar has considered the large presence of small denominations in graves as a consequence of local transactions, rasbach 1997, 102, n. 22. 165 A. gAzdac alfoldy - c. gAzdac 89 Gravefield Sorhaz Kert Denomination Emperor denarius Septimius Severus 124 (gathered graves by J. Petrovics) antomnian Victorinus 83 10 (gathered graves by J. Petrovics) near ..the 10000 liter container" antomnian antoninian Probus Probus „g" (gathered graves by J. Petrovics) plated denarius Vespasian Tab. I Silver denominations in graves Coins as amulets and pendants At Brigetio, three of the coins present three holes. Unfortunately, the archaeological infor- mation on the discoveries is very scarce. In one case it was recorded (grave no. 38/ "Jaroka") that the coin with tree holes has been discovered in an inhumation grave, a child, in the hand of the deceased. The funerary assemblage consisted on glass bead, a chicken bone with green spots (they could be amulets too) and a crepundia that consists on a see snail and a shell fixed on a bronze chain. It is particularly interesting that the bronze coin initially served as an amulet sewed probably on the cloth,22 eventually together with the chicken bone, as the bronze patina indicates. Then, during the funerary ceremonies, it was removed and placed in the hand of the child, suggesting a secondary use of the coin: the payment to pass into the other world.23 Iconographicalanalyses— a selection of the coin types? The possibility to recognise a secondary symbolic meaning of the coins offered to the dead (first meaning is based on the value of the coin) expressed by their reverse message has been already proposed by Claudia Perassi. She analysed the different representations and the inscriptions on coins from the eschatological point of view and offer representative examples of such coin finds in funerary contexts.24 Even if the modern scholars do not agree on the intensity of the influence of the coin types on the Roman society, it is undeniable that the imperial imagery penetrated into private contexts trough coins.25 The coins express wishes and promises concerning the future. The message in most cases is linked to the emperor and his family. In the same time those messages anticipated expectations of For the coins as a talisman, see perassi 1999, 54, n. 38. It is not a rarity to use three times punched coins as amulets fixed on cloths, gorecki 1975, 249, n. 275. This practice is particularly common in the case of children. 24 Perassi 1999, 43-68. 25Howgego 1995, 74. 166 coins in funerary contexts particular groups of the Roman society. The symbols used on coinage were present in numerous parts of the private life. Therefore, it is obvious that coins could be seen and understood from the r . 26 person point or view. The question is that how is possible to prove a deliberate choice of the different coin types based on their representations? A possibility is to establish thematic groups not only from the point of view of the issuer (the emperor end his staff), but also from the point of view of the receptor (the coin user).27 The second step is a comparative analyze between frequent types in graves and common types in the settlement. To detect the possible selection of coin types based on their reverse representation we need a random sample of the coin types that were first in coin circulation. Theoretically, the coins coming from the settlement were lost accidentally (single finds, no hoards), so they should represent the best mirror for the 'normal' frequency of the coin types. The statistic data of coin types from the settlement can be used as a "reference curve" to observe the differences between various contexts (funerary, religious, hoards). The supra- or scarce-representation of a coin type could indicate in these cases a selective mechanism.28 For the statistic analyses of the coin types we considered reasonable to take into account the same denominations. Since in the graves occurred mostly small denominations (as and dupondius, see Fig. II) they had been compared with the same denominations coming from the settlement. Even it may sound impossible to equalise an- H AE cient and modern way of perception, we could „n/ ED AR try to establish basic thematic groups from the point of view of the receptor. Tab. II presents the statistic data on 200 bronze coins (asses and dupondii), coming from the necropolis and single finds from the settlements of Brigetio. In the case of the coins discovered in graves only for 27 pieces was possible to identify the mone- tary type. From the topic point of view, the RELIGIOUS group is particularly significant (Figs. V, VI). From the three religious subgroups the benevolent wishes types (Aeternitas, Felici- tas, Fortuna, Salus, Providentia, Spes, Libertas, Tranquillitas) could have an eschatological charge for the mourning relatives. The images connected with sacrifice, piety or with the other world a pious mentality could be supposedly too, for this reason they can be placed together in the statistics. "Manders 2007, 281-284. 27 In the last years, several papers came out using statistical methods to detecting reverse type frequency, but most of them focused on silver issues. Communication of emperor's virtues in norena 2001, 146-168; representations of the roman imperial power in the time of crises manders 2007; reverse type selection for sanctuaries Kaczynski-Nusse 2009, 93-107. 28 The same methods were used in a study dedicated to a possible coin type selection in sanctuaries, kaczynski— nosse 2009, 95. 167 A. gAzdac alfoldy - c. gAzdac ►j o H £ 0 o -~ § & ►j 'e Pi V Pi v w CO z o o w w w o z p CO b p p 3 <j h z w q g a Ph CO z co in csi z (j CO Oh h <! K P s ° < « 3 h R g y S « 3 a o a ^ w R J m H Oh g „ * n W a S s 9 S z z CO « M p - z w — — Pi > > 8 «5 ft f5 168 coins in funerary contexts NECROPOLIS SETTLEMENT 169 A. gAzdac alfoldy - c. gAzdac It can be observed the following differences between graves and single finds. The percentage of the benevolent wishes coin types is higher in graves then in the settlement. In the necropolis together with the piety types they represent 51% of the total, while in the settlement they reach only 34%. At the same time the CIVILIAN/emperor/virtues depicting coin types is higher in the case of the single finds 34%, than in the discoveries from graves 15%. The difference between the MILITARY types and the general RELIGIOUS ones is not so significant (Fig. VII). The difference between the "reference curve" end the numismatic data from the necropolis is not too high, but the over- and under-representation of thematic groups still indicate a selective mechanism, which had never became a generally phenomenon. Moreover the similarities of the statistic data for another similar case: the settlement and necropolis of Apulum (today Alba Iulia, Romania), located in the Roman Dacia,29 confirm the theory of an accidentally selection of the coins based on their eschatological message (Fig. VIII). As we have already discussed above, it is obviously that the people offered coins, which were available for them. The importance of a secondary sym- bolic meaning of coin offerings should not be overvalued and the individual mentality is difficult to point out with mathematic methods, but this data shows a more profound link between coin repre- sentation and the superstitions, pious mentality of the ordinary people in the front of the great travel. The distribution of coins in chronological sequences completes the observations formulated above. On the comparative graph of the coins coming from graves and those discovered within the settlement (Fig. IX) the difference between the first two and the third century is obvious. Until the end of the 2nd century AD the coin finds in graves had a higher (the pieces of Julio-Claudian dynasty, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian and especially Antoninus Pius) or similar frequency (coins of Marcus Aurelius, Commodus) with the coins found within the settlement. Starting with the reign of Septimius Severus the situation is exactly the opposite: the bronze coins coming from the settlement had a higher percentage then coins from graves. This can be explained by a general monetary phenomenon: a change in the official message of the coin types starting with the 3rd century AD. Two studies mapping the frequency of the coin types on silver issues can give as an idea on this topic. Thus, in the period between AD 69 and 235 the "personification types" and "gods and goddesses types" were the most frequent representations on the reverse side of coins,30 while starting with the turbulent 3'd century (the reign of Septimius Severus) the "military types" will have the highest percentage.31 This could explain the preference for the coins minted before AD 193, which wear a symbolic message more adequate to the feelings and wishes of the mourner relatives. Conclusions The distribution of denominations shows a conservative collective mentality the most frequent denominations are small AE with a very low value in the circulation. The coin offerings in graves at Brigeto have a symbolic meaning (usually only one coin/grave, multiple coin finds are exceptions), which can be seen as the equalizer in front of death. Their function in graves can be different: tax for passing to the othetwotld,parspro toto, or sometimes as amulets. For the most recent discussions on various aspects of norena 2001, 155, Tab. 2. daily life in Dacia and Apulum see also Zmudzinski 2006, 31 Manders 2007, 285-286, Fig. 1. 680-681, Zmudzinski 2007, 50-52, 54-56, 231-233, 280-285. 170 coins in funerary contexts BRIGETIO % of the coin types I Necropolises l Settlements CIVILIAN / MILITARY / RELIGIOUS / RELIGIOUS / emperor/ emperor benevolent/ generally virtues sacrifice/ piety/other world Fig. VII The comparative graph of the coin types in Brigetio (Pannonia) APVLVM % of the coin types I Necropolises l Settlements CIVILIAN / MILITARY / RELIGIOUS / RELIGIOUS / emperor/ emperor benevolent/ generally virtues sacrifice/ piety/other world Fig. VIII The comparative graph of the coin types in Apulum (Dacia) 171 A. gAzdac alfoldy - c. gAzdac The custom remains constant till mid-3' century AD, even when these denominations became a rarity in circulation. Local bronze issues (PMS COL VIM) or plated silver coins were deposited in the lack of small denominations. Genuine silver coins in graves are very rare — they may reflect an individual behavior. Small coin deposits in graves were found in Brigetio too, they are not characteristic for the Early Empire, while at the end of the 3rd century AD the custom spread out and was a characteristic of the Late Roman Empire period. In the case of Brigetio the small deposits could be marsupia for the costs in the other world. The analysis of coin finds in graves allows us to observe a religious perception of the reverse message from the point of view of the receiver. We can affirm that, occasionally it can be clearly notice a selection of those coins which transmit benevolent wishes, piety, a message connected with the other world. From the Severan times ahead the military symbols on reverse sides of the coins became preponderant. In the same time the small denominations were minted more and more scarcely. This aspect could explain the presence of small denominations of the Antonine dynasty (still in the circulation in later times, too, as the small hoard discussed above may demonstrate it) in graves of the 3rd century AD at Brigetio. 172 COINS IN FUNERARY CONTEXTS BIBLIOGRAPHY Barkoczi 1966-1967 Barkoczi 1968a Barkoczi 1968b Biro Sey1977 Ermeszeti adalekok 1871 FiTZ 1980 GAzdac 2002 Gazdac Alfoldy 2009 Gorecki 1975 Gorini 1999 Howgego 1995 Kaczynski-Nusse 2009 kocztur 1991 Manders 2007 norena 2001 Perassi 1999 Prohaszka 2006 rasbach 1997 Zmudzinski 2006 Barkoczi, L.: Die datierten Glasfunde aus dem II. Jahrhundert von Brigetio. FolArch 18 (1966-1967), 67-89. Barkoczi, L.: Die datierten Glasfunde aus dem 3-4. Jahrhundert von Brigetio. FolArch 19 (1968), 59-88. Barkoczi L.: Negy kesoromai sir Brigetiobol. KMK1 (1968), 75-106. Biro Sey, K.: Coinsfrom identified sites of Brigetio and the question of local currency. RegFiiz 2/18. Budapest 1977. Ermeszeti adalekok. ArchErtS (1871), 283. Fitz J.: A romai temetok eremanyaga es a penzforgalom. NK 78-79 (1980), 23-40. Gazdac, C: Monetary Circulation in Dacia and the Provincesfrom the Lower Danube from Traian to Constantine I (AD 106-337). Cluj-Napoca 2002. Gazdac Alfoldy, A.: Anatomia unui ritual. Marturia izvoarelor literare antice despre mitul lui Charon. Ephemeris Napocensis 2009 (forthcoming) Gorecki, J.: Studien zur Sitte der Miinzebeigabe in romerzeitlichen Korpergrabern zwischen Rhein, Mosel und Somme. BRGK56 (1975), 179^67. Gorini, G.: La documentazione del Veneto per una "numismatica della morte". In: Dubuis, O. F. et alii (eds.): Trouvailles mone'taires de tombes. Actes du deuxieme colloque international du Groupe Suisse pour I'etude des trouvailles mone'taires (Neuchdtel, 3-4 mars 1995). Lausanne 1999, 71-82. Howgego, C: Ancient History from Coins. New York 1995. Kaczynski, B. — Niisse, M.: Reverse type selection in sanctuaries? A study of antoniniani found in various contexts. In: von Kaenel, M. — Kemmers, F. (Eds.): Coins in context 1. TSSew perspectivesfor the interpretation of coin finds. Studien zu Fundmiinzen der Antike 23. Mainz 2009, 93-107. Kocztur E.: Kora csaszarkori temeto Solymaron. StComit2\ (1991), 171—334. Manders, E.: Mapping the representation of roman imperial power in times of crises, In: Hekster, O. et alii (eds.): Crises is the Roman Empire. Leiden-Boston 2007, 275-290. Norena, C. F: The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues. JRS' 91 (2001), 146-168. Perassi, C: Monete delle tombe in eta romana imperiale: casi di scelta intenzionale sulla base dei sogetti e delle scritte?. In: Dubuis, O. F. et alii (eds.): Trouvailles mone'taires de tombes. Actes du deuxieme colloque international du Groupe Suisse pour I'etude des trouvailles monetaires (Neuchdtel, 3A mars 1995). Lausanne 1999, 43-69. Prohaszka, P.: Gazdag padmalyos noi temetkezes Brigetio/Komarom-Szony — Gerhat temetojebol. FolArch 52 (2006), 79-104. Rasbach, G: Romer^eitliche Grd'ber aus Moers-Asberg, Kr. Wesel. Duisburg 1997. Zmudzinski, M.: Remarks on the economic contacts of Roman Dacia. In: Gaiu, C. — Gazdac, C. (eds.): Fontes historiae. Studia in honorem Demetrii Protase. Cluj-Napoca 2006, 679-682. Zmudzinski 2007 Zmudzinski, M.: Gospodarka w rymskiejprowincji Dacji Superior. Wroclaw 2007. 173 Ermek temetkezesekben Brigetio esettanulmanya A jelen tanulmany Brigetio temetoibol elokeriilt korai csaszarkori eremanyag elemzeset tuzte ki celul a romai temetkezesi szokasok es hiedelmek szemszogebol. A „Jar6ka", „S6rhaz kert" es "Gerhat" temetokben vegzett asatasok es leletmentesek alkalmaval osszesen 459 sir keriilt elo, melyek joreszt a 2-3. szazadra keltezhetok. Osszesen 153 sirban keriilt elo korai csaszarkorban kibocsatott veret, ezek koziil 142 esetben csak egyetlen ermet, 7 alkalommal 2 ermet talaltak, illetve egy-egy sirban 3, valamint 5 veret keriilt elo. A brigetioi temetokbol harom kisebb eremleletet tartunk szamon, melyek koziil ketto marsupium- kent ertelmezheto. A penzek cimletek szerinti megoszlasa jol tiikrozi a korabeli temetkezesi szokasokat. A legel- terjedtebbek a kis cimletu bronzok (as es dupondius), melyek a sestertiusdkksl egyiitt az ermek 98% teszik ki. A kisbronzok valoszinuleg a tulvilagi atkelest biztosito fizetseggel hozhatok osszefiiggesbe, melyek egyben a halal elotti egyenloseget, a foldi javak megmaradt reszet (parspro toto) is jelkepez- hette. Nehany esetben az atlyukasztott ermeknek vedo-6vo szerepet tulajdonithatunk. A szokas a harmadik szazad kozepeig valtozatlan marad, amikor is a kis cimletek egyre ritkabba valnak a penzforgalomban. Helyiiket (a sirokban is) atveszik a helyi (P M S COL VIM koriratu) veretek, vagy eppen a subaeratus eziistermek. A telepiilesekbol szarmazo bronzeremanyag es a sirokbol kikeriilt ermek osszehasonlitasa ikonografiai szempontbol is erdekes. A hatlapi eremkepek vizsgalatabol kideriil, hogy nem csak az ermek kicsiny erteke, de gyakran az eremkep szemelyes iizenete is szerepet jatszott abban, hogy milyen penzeket valasztottak ki es helyeztek a halott melle a temetkezesi szertartas alkalmaval. Agnes Ga^dac Alfdldy National History Museum of Transylvania Cluj-Napoca Komania Cristian Ga^dac Institute of Archaeology and art History Cluj-Napoca Romania cga%dac2000@yahoo. co. uk