The coinage and the Roman conquest of Dacia

Miscellanea numismatica Antiquitatis. In honorem septagenarii magistri Virgilii Mihailescu-BIrliba oblata. Ediderunt Victor Spinei, Lucian Munteanu, Iasi, 2008, p. 69-80 THE COINAGE AND THE ROMAN CONQUEST OF DA CIA. A COMPARATIVE STUDY BY SITES: ULPIA TRAIANA SARMIZEGETUSA, POROLISSUM, OVILAVA, CARNUNTUM, POETOVIO Cristian Gazdac (Cluj-Napoca) Amongst other aspects, the transformation of a territory into a Roman province meant also the integration of it into a new economical and monetary environment. In a logical way the massive presence of troops and the large number of settlers, as it was the case of Dacia, requests a strong injection with currency to cover the need for payments and transactions. Owing to its specific historical background - province since AD 106 till AD 260/275 - Dacia may represent an excellent case study regarding the intensity of coin supply at the moment when the province was established. It is obvious that for such an approach large numismatic evidence is demanded in order to identify general and specific patterns. The recent publication of numismatic monographs of important sites from the former province of Dacia - Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa1, Porolissum2 - may allow us the analysis of the monetary phenomenon at the site level (see fig. 12). For those less familiar with these sites here is some information on their history. • Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (today Sarmizegetusa, Romania)3 One of the most important towns of Roman Dacia, Colonia Ulpia Traiana Augusta Dacica Sarmizegetusa was founded right after the conquest of Dacia by the Romans. It was founded as a colonia deducta with ius 1 tali cum. It is located in the South-West Dacia, in the extreme South-West of the inter-Carpathian part of Transylvania. During the reign of Severus Alexander the epithet of Metropolis was 1 C. Gazdac, S. Cocis, Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegtusa, Coins from Roman Sites and Collections of Roman Coins from Romania, I (Cluj-Napoca 2004). 2 C. Gazdac, N. Gudea, Porolissum, Coins from Roman Sites and Collodions of Roman Coins from Romania, II (Cluj-Napoca 2006). 3 C. Gazdac, S. Cocis, op. eft., p. 7->l3. 70 i nslian (iazuae added to it. It was the meeting place of the concilium Daciarum trium, and after AD 169 the procurator often became the person to replace consularis Daciarum trium. • Porolissum (today Moigrad, Romania)4 The Romans arrived at the place in the summer of AD 106 and settled on a spot used before by the Dacians. It was a heavy militarized site with several auxiliary troops garrisoned here. During the reign of Septmius Severus received the rank of municipium, Res Publico Municipii Septimii Porolissensium. The town was granted ius Italicum and was led by a council quatorviri. It must be mentioned here that the chronological segments in this study were chosen following the most important reigns and various monetary policies. Concerning the methodology I worked with the coins' number by the studied period, while for a closer picture to the real situation I used the coefficient of frequency/period (number of coins divided by the number of year of that period). To compare the numismatic evidence between the studied sites I used a comparative coefficient: the division of the coefficient of frequency/period to the similar item of the first chronological segment (in our case the reign of Augustus 27 BC — AD 14). The aim of this monetary comparative coefficient is to point out in a comparative way the ascending and descending fluctuations of coin finds, especially when the quantity of the published material is so different from one site to another. At a first sight the monetary graphs of the two sites of Dacia (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa and Porolissum) (see figs. 1-45) one can notice a first increase of the monetary coefficient/period for the period AD 69-81 (reigns of Vespasian and Titus). Then for the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian a real "boom" can be observed for both the coins' number and the monetary coefficient for both Dacian sites. For the next periods both sites record similar fluctuations of monetary items. A decrease for the coins issued in the periods of Marcus Aurelius (161-180) and Commodus (180-192) and a new increase for the reigns of Septimius Severus and Caracalla (193-218). For the next periods (AD 218-238 and 238-244) the different fluctuation is mainly a consequence of large quantity of plated silver coinage (bearing the portraits of the imperial family of Septimius Severus) retrieved at Porolissum6. Again, starting with the period AD 244-249 the monetary graphs of the two Dacian sites have a similar course: a peak of the coefficient for the reign of Philip I - owing to the starting of the local monetary series of "Provincia Dacia" in AD 246 - followed by a dramatic decrease of the coin number, therefore of the monetary coefficient/period, too, for the last decades of the Roman administration in Dacia. At this stage of research the normal question one will address is: are the evolutions of the coin finds' fluctuations from the two sites (Ulpia Traiana 4 C. Gazdac, N. Gudea, op. cit., p. 14-20. The graphs are based on the data from C. Gazdac, S. Cocis. op. cit. (for Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa) and'C. Gazdac, N. Gudea, op. cit. (for Porolissum). 6 C. Gazdac. N. Gudea, op. cit, p. 24-25 and 164-166. The Coinage and the Roman Conquest of Dacia 71 Sarmizegetusa and Porolissum) a general phenomenon - known also for other parts of the Empire, too - or are specific features of the sites in Roman Dacia? Of course, we view this aspect through the topic of this study: the coinage and the Roman conquest of Dacia. In order to find an answer to this question I chose three other important sites close to the Danube and with a rich and well-published numismatic material (see fig. 12). • Ovilava (today Wels, Austria)7 An important junction town in the North of the province of Noricum located on the road from Augusta Vindelicorum to Lauriacum. The beginnings of the settlement are not precisely known to us. In the time of Claudius I the settlement became an important place on the route from Aquileia to the Danube. Under Hadrian it was raised at the rank of municipium, Municipium Aelium Ovilavis. No destructions are known for the time of the Marcomanic wars. During the reign of Caracalla (211-217) it became colonia, Colonia Amelia Antoniniana. Following the raids of the Alamans and the Iuthungs, the city is surrounded by walls in the mid 3rd century AD. In the time of Diocletian was the capital of the new province Noricum Ripense. • Carnuntum (today Petronell-Carnuntum. Austria)8 An important military and economic centre located on the "amber road" on the right bank of the Danube, 40 km East of Vindobona. In the time of Tiberius it was the military headquarters against the Marcomanni. Since AD 14 it was the garrissonfor more military units. Amongst them the most important were legio XV Apollinaris and legio XIV Gemina Martia Victrix. After the division of the province of Pannonia in the time of Trajan Carnuntum became the capital of Pannonia Superior. Around AD 124, Carnuntum received the rank of municipium, Municipium Aelium Carnuntum. Marcus Aurelius had his headquarters here from AD 171 to AD 173 during the operations against the Marcomanni. On April 9, AD 193, Septimius Severus was proclaimed emperor by his troops in Carnuntum. Soon after the town became colonia, Colonia Septimia Amelia Antoniniana Carnuntum. Other important events that took place at Carnuntum were: the proclamation as emperor of the usurper Regalianus in AD 260/261; the conference of the three emperors (Diocletian, Galerius and Maximian I) on November 11, AD 308, to save the Tetrarchy; the visit of emperor Valentinian I in AD 375. 7 D. Protase, s.v. Ovilava, in ECR, p. 558; K. Vondrovec, Die antiken Fundmunzen von Ovilavis/Wels, FMRO IV/1 (Wien 2003), p. 13-14. 8 D. Protase, s.v. Carnuntum, in ECR, p. 162; F. Humer, Die Entstehung des municipium Aelium Karnuntum, in F. Humcr (Hrsg.), Legionsadler und Druidenstab. Vom Legionslager zur Ootuiumctropotc (Wien .'(>()<>). n. 270-279 72 < 'risliim < la/.clac 9 Poetovio (today Ptuj, in Slovenia)9 Old La Tene settlement, on the river Drava, conquered by Augustus. For a while it was the garrison of the legio XIII Gernina. In the year AD 69, Vespasian was proclaimed emperor here by his troops. Under Trajan became colonia, Colonia Ulpia Trauma Poetovio located in the province Pannonia Superior. The analysis of the numismatic material and the making of graphic representations of the coin number and the monetary coefficient/period show us quite a similar picture for the three sites from the other provinces (see figs. 5-1010). One can see a gradual increase of the coin finds starting with the Flavians till the reign of Hadrian followed by a decrease for the period Antoninus Pius - Commodus (AD 138-192). A new increase of the coin number and the monetary frequency is visible for the period AD 193-238. Another decrease of the monetary coefficient/period is visible for the period AD 238-249 (except the case of Carnuntum). The last two chronological sequences of this study. AD 253-268 and AD 268-275, show a strong increase. In the absence of archaeological contexts well-dated (thus, to know the moment of the coin loss; in this study only the single finds were taken into account, not the hoards) the explanation for such a similarity may come from the rhythm of the monetary production. During the reign of Vespasian the coin production increased and was almost regular till the reign of Antoninus Pius (of course, with the debasement of silver content and coin weight in the time of Domitian and Trajan). In the following period the Roman Empire was confronted with a shortage of precious metal, especially for the silver coinage where both Marcus Aurelius and Commodus tried to keep the denarius at "normal" standards. The increase of coin finds for the reign of Septimius Severus is a result of an abundant production of the denarius. In exchange the bronze coinage became much more rare. Specific to this period is the epidemic phenomenon of counterfeiting the silver coinage, mainly by plating it, most probably with a mutual agreement of authorities". At the same time the huge differences between the graphs of the studied sites of Dacia and the other three ones - the reign of Philip I (244-249) and the period AD 253-275 - may be explained as consequences of monetary policy and historical 9 D. Tudor, s.v. Poetovio, in ECR, p. 594. 10 The graphs are based on the data from: K. Vondrovec, op. cit. (for Ovilava); W. Hahn, Carnuntum (Gemeinden Petronell, Bad Deutsch-Altenburg, Stadt Hamburg), FMRO in/1 (Wien 1976); C. Gazdac, Coin finds. The coins of the archaeological excavations at Heidentor (1998-1999), in CarnuntumJb (2000), p. 215-257; C. Gazdac, F. Humer, Zivilstadt Carnuntum - liaus 1. The numismatic approach of an archaeological site, in CarnuntumJb (2004), p. 179-240 (for Carnuntum); P. Kos, The Monetary Circulation in the Southeastern Alpine Region ca. 300 BC - AD 1000, Situla 24 (Ljubljana 1984) (for Poetovio). " C. E. King, Roman copies, in C. King, D. Wigg-Wolf (eds.), Coin finds and coin use in the Roman world. The Thirteenth Oxford Symposium on Coinage and Monetary History 25.-27. 03. 1993, SFMA 10 (Berlin 1996) p. 244-246; C. Gazdac, A. Gazdac-Alfoldy, The Roman law against counterfeiting between theory and practice: the case of Roman Dacia, in ActaMN 38/1 (2001), p. 145. The Coinage and the Roman Conquest of Dacia 73 events. On this line, in the case of Dacia the reign of Philip I represents from the numismatic point of view the starting moment of minting the series "Provincia Dacia". Most of the sites from this province have provided us, so far, with this coin as the only one found for this emperor1 . It is exactly what the graphs of the Dacian sites, Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa and Porolissum, reflect: a monetary policy with a regional impact (see figs. 1-4). The dramatic debasement of the silver coinage in the second half of the 3rd century AD led to the minting of abundant quantities of such a devalued currency13. As a consequence the sites with a "regular" coin supply the number of the single coin finds issued in the period of AD 253-275 strongly increased, as well as the monetary coefficient/period (see fig. 5-10). But is not the case for the sites under study in Dacia (see figs. 1-4). The graphs of both sites record dramatic decreases for the coins issued in the period of AD 253-275. The explanation must be sought in the political and administrative situation of the province of Dacia. The Roman army and administration left the province right in this period. The absence of the biggest consumer of coin (the army and the administration) led to a strong decrease of the coin supply within this territory. This situation has been noticed throughout the entire province of Dacia14. But coming back to the main aim of this study - coinage and the conquest of Dacia - a simple question crosses our minds: are the increases of the coin finds (their number and coefficient) for the period Trajan - Hadrian in Dacia still a reflection of a specific phenomenon or, in fact, we deal here with a result of a monetary policy noticeable also for other provinces of the Empire? So, in order to come up with an answer I used a comparative monetary coefficient. The results are more than clear (see fig. 11). In the case of the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian the value of this comparative monetary coefficient is much higher for the Dacian sites than those three from other provinces. Although we will repeat what we have already said above it must be mentioned here that the highest values in the case of the site Porolissum are under direct influence of the massive presence at this site of the plated coins. As they are part of a specific monetary policy, more or less an official one, they could not just be ignored. On conclusion we can affirm that indeed the moment of the establishment of the province of Dacia and its first years of existence are reflected in a strong injection with currency. Its cause was mainly the presence of army and administration which determined a strong development of a monetary economy at least in the military and urban environments. In a paradoxical view this comparative monetary coefficient emphasizes, at the same time, the beginning and the end of the province of Dacia. 12 C. Gazdac, Monetary circulation in Dacia and the provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Constantine I (AD 106-337) (Cluj-Napoca 2002) - see the catalogue of sites from Dacia. 13 G. Depeyrot, D. Hollard. Penurie d'argent-metal et crise monetaire au llf siecle apres J.-C, in G. Depeyrot, D. Hollard (fids), Histoire & Mesure II/l (1987), Paris, p. 57-58. [iC. Gazdac, op. cit., p. 106. ' in i nsnnn uazaac 250 200 ■ 150 ■ 100 50 11 «... Fteriod 12 « JTi__D.. 27- 14- 41- 14 41 54 54- 69- 68 81 81- 98 98- 117- 138- 161- 180- 193- 218- 238- 244- 249- 253- 268- 117 138 161 180 192 218 238 244 249 2S3 268 275 Fig. 1. The graph of coin finds from Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. 12.0 10.0 8.0 6.0 4.0 2.0 0.0 coeff./ period 10-3 10.2 3-9 3.7 0.2 1 0 0.8 0.7 1 , BLB- 6.7 6.5 5.5 I 4.4 3.0 2.0 ™ 3.0 0.8 IX Period 0.0 27- 14- 41- 54- 69- 81- 98- 117- 138- 161- 180- 193- 218- 238- 244- 249- 253- 268- 14 41 54 68 81 98 117 138 161 180 192 218 238 244 249 253 268 275 Fig. 2. The graph of the monetary coefficient/period for Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. The Coinage and the Roman Conquest of Dacia 75 303 27- 14 176 63 34 mm 14 Period 5 2 14- 41 41- 54 54- 69- 81- 98- 117- 138- 161- 180- 193- 218- 238- 244- 249- 253- 288- 68 81 98 117 138 161 180 192 218 238 244 249 253 268 275 Fig. 3. The graph of coin finds from Porolissum. coeff./ period 0.1 0.1 5.5 11.8 3.7 i 0.5 1 SBH ■ ill 10.3 10.9 6.6 12.1 12.6 3.0 8.8 5.6 3.5 Period 0.3 0.2 27- 14- 41- 54- 69- 81- 98- 117- 138- 161- 180- 193- 218- 238- 244- 249- 253- 268- 14 41 54 68 81 98 117 138 161 180 192 218 238 244 249 253 268 275 Fig. 4. The graph of the monetary coefficient/period for Porolissum. 200 ■ 180 ■ 160 ■ 140 ■ 120 ■ 100 • 80 • 60 ■ 40 ■ 20 ■ No. coins o > "L,J.l , n , H , Period 123 « . ■»' 27- 14- 14 41 41- 54 54- 69- 81- 98- 117- 138- 161- 180- 193- 218- 238- 244- 249- 68 81 98 117 138 161 180 192 218 238 244 249 253 253- 268- 268 275 Fig. 5. The graph of coin finds from Ovilava. 20.0 18.0 16.0 14.0 • 12.0 ■ 10.0 8.0 6.0 4.0 2.0 H 0.0 coeff./ period 0.2 0.5 0.5 27- 14 14- 41- 41 54 0.7 4.6 4.8 u 8.2 as 6.7 I I 4S 3.0 5.6 II.....it 54- 69- 68 81 81- 98 98- 117- 138- 161- 180- 193- 218- 238- 244- 249- 253- 268- 117 138 161 180 192 218 238 244 249 253 268 275 Fig. 6. The graph of the monetary coefficient/period for Ovilava. The Coinage and the Roman Conquest of Dacia 77 1000 800 ■ 600 400 - No. coins 200 RJlJiL Period 27- 14- 41- 54- 69- 81- 38- 117- 138- 161- 180- 193- 218- 238- 244- 249- 253- 268- 14 41 54 68 81 98 117 138 181 180 192 218 238 244 249 253 268 275 Fig. 7. The graph of coin finds from Camuntum. 160.0 140.0 ■ 120.0 ■ 100.0 ■ 80.0 ■ 60.0 ■ 40.0 • 20.0 ■ 0.0 coeff./ period Period 49.4 52.0 16.7 11Q 13.3 15.7 22.2 26.8 • 2.4 4.2 7.6 jo 30.4 11.8 r nj 40.1 38.8 142.0 46.4 27- 14- 14 41 41- 54 54- 69- 81- 98- 117- 138- 161- 180- 193- 218- 238- 244- 249- 253- 268- 88 81 88 117 138 161 180 192 218 238 244 249 253 268 275 Fig. 8. The graph of the monetary coefficient/period for Camuntum. 78 Cristian Gazdac 500 450 400 350 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 Period s. JUL 27- 14- 41- 54- 69- 81- 98- 117- 138- 161- 180- 193- 218- 238- 244- 249- 253- 268- 14 41 54 68 81 98 117 138 161 180 192 218 238 244 249 253 268 275 Fig. 9. The graph of coin finds from Poetovio. 70.0 60.0 50.0 40.0 30.0 20.0 10.0 0.0 coeff./ period Period 63.4 23.2 7.S 3.5 4.5 7.0 62 6.9 7.1 7.6 7.1 11.2 15.0 8.2 27- 14- 41- 54- 69- 81- 98- 117- 138- 161- 180- 193- 218- 238- 244- 249- 253- 268- 14 41 54 68 81 98 117 138 161 180 192 218 238 244 249 253 268 275 Fig. 10. The graph of the monetary coefficient/period for Poetovio.