The management of the monetary crisis

135 Cristian Gazdac und Agnes Alföldy-Gazdac ˘ ˘ THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? THE ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ COINAGES IN THE ROMAN MONETARY POLICY OF THE 3 RD CENTURY AD * “ὁμονοεῖτε, τοὺς στρατιώτας πλουτίζετε, τῶν ἄλλων πάντων καταφρονεῖτε.” „Be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and scorn all other men.“ (Septimius Severus Dio Cassius, 77, 15, 2)1 INTRODUCTION The 3rd century AD witnessed a general crisis in the Roman Empire, with major upheavals occurring at different levels and in various structures2. The coinage of the time may perhaps be considered as the element that best illustrates all these changes. The increase in the number of soldiers3; the raising of ordinary army payments as well as the number of cash bonuses granted to the army on various occasions in order to ensure its loyalty (a strategy that did not always pay off) placed the coinage under immense monetary strain. This was accentuated by the increase in quantity of coin – mainly silver –, especially during the reigns of Septimius Severus and Caracalla4. On the other hand, the loss of quantities of silver through coin (coin did not return to the state in the same quantity as issued for various reasons, hoarding being amongst the major causes) also increased this pressure on the Roman monetary system and imperial finances. Moreover, it should be mentioned that with the 3rd century the mining of precious metal also decreased, a circumstance which had a direct impact on the striking of gold and silver coinages5. According to the modern definition, a ‘currency crisis’ ‘occurs when the value of a currency changes quickly, undermining its ability to serve as a medium of exchange or a store of value.’6. To continue in modern parlance, * This study is the result of a period of research spent at the University of Frankfurt following the award of a Gerda Henkel Foundation fellowship. We are also grateful to Dr David Wigg-Wolf, Dr Snezana Golubovic, Prof Peter Kos and Prof R. Ardevan for their observations and bibliographical suggestions, which were of invaluable help in improving this study. http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/77*.html. For the most recent analyses on the understanding of the disturbances that shook the Roman Empire in the 3rd century AD see Crises and the Roman Empire. Proceedings of the Seventh Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Nijmegen, June 20–24, 2006), Leiden-Boston (2007). We would also like express our gratitude to Prof Olivier Hekster, who kindly provided us with this bibliography. On the increasing number of troops by province (with previous bibliography), see A.R. Birley, The economic effects of Roman frontier policy, in The Roman West in the Third Century. Contributions from Archaeology and History, BAR I.S. 109 (i), 1981, pp. 39–42. Ibidem, p. 43. M. Rostovtzeff, The social and economic history of the Roman Empire, 2nd edition, Oxford (1957), p. 413; J. Fitz, Die Tätigkeit des Münzamtes von Viminacium, Alba Regia, 25, 1994, p. 289. The most prolific period of the Hispanic gold mines was from the mid-1st century AD to the beginning of the 3rd century AD; see C. Domergue, Introduction à l’étude des mines d’or dans le nord-ouest de la peninsula ibérique, in Legio VII Gemina, Leon (1970), p. 279; J. C. Edmondson, Mining in the Later Roman Empire and beyond: Continuity or Disruption?, in Journal of Roman Studies, 79, 1989, p. 89. Regarding the silver mines of Hispania, their production declined in the 3rd century AD, in some cases even in the 2nd century AD, although they were most probably in use until the Visigoth invasions, J.C. Edmonson, op. cit., p. 90. The same author considers that the Gothic invasion in the middle of the 3rd century AD put a stop to gold mining in Roman Dalmatia (p. 92). For a different opinion, see S. Dusanic, Late Roman mining in Illyricum: historical observations, in Ancient mining ˇ and metallurgy in Southeast Europe. International symposium Donji Milanovac, May 10–25, 1990, Beograd (1995), pp. 219–225. Wikipedia Encyclopaedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Currency_crisis. 1 2 3 4 5 6 136 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac a crisis demands management, which consists of a ‘set of procedures applied in handling, containment, and resolution of an emergency in planned and coordinated steps’7. How did the Roman government react to this kind of financial crisis? The answer would seem to be either with immediate solutions, albeit with short-term effect, or none at all. Soldiers began to pay taxes under Septimius Severus, while the sons of veterans were no longer exempt from paying taxes8. The coins decreased in weight and, in the case of denarius, in the fineness of the silver as well. Counterfeited coins, plated or cast, seem to have reached a peak in the period of AD 193–235. The very large quantity of counterfeited coins as well as the moulds and dies used to produce such coins might even indicate that there was tacit agreement by the authorities to allow such coins to circulate when the genuine coins were lacking9. Then, in AD 215, the state placed an overvalued coin – the ‘antoninianus’ – in circulation. In the case of the bronze coinage, it seems that the state did not show as much interest as in the case of coinages of precious metal, at least for a while. The finds of bronze coins minted in the first half of the 3rd century AD suggest that some parts of the Roman empire were suffering from a shortage of bronze coins (Britain, the Rhine and Danubian frontiers), while other regions saw a sharp increase in the production of local coinages, for example, the Greek civic coinage in the Near East. The lack of sufficient supplies of bronze coin during this period led some areas of the Empire to strike their own bronze coin in large volumes, as in the case of the so-called ‘limesfalsa’ at Carnuntum (Pannonia Superior)10. In areas such as the Middle and Lower Danube11 with a very large military presence that fought efficiently both against external invaders as well as in internal conflicts with the aim of imposing their candidate on the throne, the state came up with a specific measure: the opening of local mints – it has been proposed that they were placed under the authority of the concilium provinciae12 – which issued bronze coins of the denominations, obverse design, and of similar weight and size to the issues in Rome13. This was the case with the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coins first minted in AD 239 at Viminacium in Moesia Superior (today Kostolac, Serbia), and the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage issued for the first time in AD 24614. As these coins were most probably minted chiefly to supply the troops in this area15 with good bronze coin, a study of these coinages may provide us with new perspectives on monetary policy, crisis management and historical events. 7 8 9 Business Dictionary, http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/crisis-management.html. A.R. Birley, op. cit., pp. 49–50. C. King, Roman copies, in Coin finds and coin use in the Roman world (SFMA 10), Berlin (1996), p. 241; for Dacia see C. Gazdac, ˘ The distribution of silver counterfeited coins in the forts from Roman Dacia. Fraud or monetary policy?, in Proceedings of the 20th Congress on Roman Frontiers (Leon, 4–11 September 2006), (forthcoming). For the most recent analysis of the so-called ‘limesfalsa’ from Carnuntum see M. Pfisterer, Limesfalsa und Eisenmünzen – römisches Ersatzkleingeld am Donaulimes, in Numismata Carnuntina. Forschungen und Material, Wien (2007), pp. 643–875; C. Gazdac, F. Humer, Coin moulds that have produced the so-called ‘limesfalsa’ at Carnuntum, Carnuntum Jahrbuch, 2008, (forth˘ coming). The division of the Danube area is mainly based on the document issued by IHP UNESCO, 1999, which “divides the Danube into three segments, the Upper Danube from the source to the castle of Devin/Bratislava, where the river Morava flows into the Danube, the Middle Danube from Devin to the Iron Gate at the border between Serbia and Romania, and the Lower Danube covers the Danube after the Iron Gate until the Danube Delta”. Document: The Danube River Channel Training. Description of Regulation Measures and Flood Control on the Danube River, at: http://portal.unesco.org/es/files/27248/11151131883Danube_River_Channel_Training.pdf/Danube+River+Channel+Training.pdf. For the authority of the concilium provinciae over the “P M S COL VIM” coinage see P. Kos, The Provincia Moesia Superior in Viminacium, in Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 91, 1992, pp. 212–214; for the same aspect in relation to the “PROVINCIA DACIA” coinage see R. Ardevan, Monetaria provinciala de la Sarmizegetusa, in Buletinul Societatii Numismatice Române, ˘ ˘ ˘¸ 140–141, 1992–1993, p. 120. Á. Alföldy-Gazdac, C. Gazdac, The coinage “PROVINCIA DACIA” – a coinage for one province only?, in Acta Musei Napocensis, ˘ ˘ vol. 39–40/I, 2002–2003 (2004), pp. 247–249. F. Martin, Kolonialprägungen aus Moesia Superior und Dacia, Budapest (1992), p. 21. 10 11 12 13 14 137 AIM OF THE STUDY The aim of this study is to analyze the find frequency of the two coinages in order to ascertain whether the fluctuation in the numbers of coin and the coin index could have been influenced by political and military events or was purely a matter of coin production and monetary policy. At the same time, we also attempt to identify whether there was any interaction between the two coinages in times of political, military and monetary disturbance in the area of the Middle and Lower Danube. THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? METHODOLOGY In order to be able to draw on a relevant database we have here selected only those sites from which numismatic material derives in reasonable quantities, or has been extensively published, or where the coins were at least listed with the artefacts found during campaigns of systematic excavation (see tabs 1–2). Based on these criteria the territories analyzed in this paper are the former Roman provinces of Pannonia and Dacia16. It should be mentioned here that although the provinces of Moesia were also located near both the former provinces there are specific reasons why it was not included for analysis in this study. In the case of Moesia Inferior (the northern half of present-day Bulgaria), the presence of Greek civic mints either within the province or in Thracia, the southern province next to Moesia Inferior, made a supply of bronze coins of the type ‘P M S COL VIM’ and ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’17 redundant. The reason why the province of Moesia Superior was not included in this analysis is purely methodological. Although the mint of Viminacium was located in this province, unfortunately publication of the numismatic material deriving from various sites in this province is still at an incipient level. Similarly, in the case of Moesia Inferior, lying towards the west, our research ‘stopped’ at the border between Pannonia Superior and Noricum18. As has already been demonstrated, these two coinages, ‘P M S COL VIM’ or ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’, were intended to circulate in Pannonia and Dacia (and most probably also in Moesia Superior) only. Even in these two provinces, the quantity of the two coinages varies considerably. In Pannonia the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage is a common presence at most of the sites included in this study, while the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage is found in very small quantities and only at some of the sites (see tabs. 1–2). In Dacia, we have a converse situation. The ‘P M S COL VIM’ coins scarcely occur at some of the sites, especially those in central and north Dacia, whereas ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage is normally found at all the sites examined here, but in most cases only that issued in the 1st and 2nd years of minting (AD 246–247, 247–248) (see tabs. 1–2). 15 J.-P. Callu considers the mint of Viminacium to be one with a quasi-military statute, see J.-P. Callu, La politique monétaire des empereurs romains de 238 à 311, Paris (1969), p. 111; X. Loriot also holds that the mint from Viminacium was opened for the needs of the army, X. Loriot, Les premières années de la grande crise du IIIe siècle: De l’avènement de Maximin le Thrace (235) à la mort de Gordien III (244), in ANRW, II.2, Berlin – New York (1975), p. 756; on the same opinion but applying to “PROVINCIA DACIA” coinage see Á. Alföldy-Gazdac, C. Gazdac, op. cit., pp. 254–256. ˘ ˘ Both Pannonia and Dacia were divided into several administrative units. For the period of our study, mid-3rd century AD, Pannonia had been divided into Superior and Inferior since the reign of Trajan, while Dacia had been split from north to south into Porolissensis, Apulensis and Malvensis (refer to map) since Marcus Aurelius. For the purposes of this study, since we mainly refer to the circulation of the two coinages “P M S COL VIM” and “PROVINCIA DACIA” throughout the entire territory of these administrative units, we prefer to use the general names Pannonia and Dacia in order to have a clearer view of the area under examination. C. Gazdac, Centre and periphery: The Roman monetary policy regarding the Lower Danube provinces at the mid 3rd Century AD, ˘ in Centru si periferie, Cluj-Napoca (2004), pp. 71–76. ¸ Neither coinage reached the territories of the Upper Danube and the Rhine to any extent. At sites with well-documented numismatic material such as Ovilava (Wels) in Noricum (Austria) only 2 “P M S COL VIM” coins have been found so far (K. Vondrovec, Die antiken Fundmünzen von Ovilavis/Wels (FMRÖ IV,1), Wien (2003), p. 99, no. 885; p. 100, no. 894) while on the Rhine one “P M S COL VIM” coin was found at Neuss (FMRD VI, 3/2, p. 435, no. 998) and one “PROVINCIA DACIA” coin at Nida – Heddernheim (FMRD V, 2,2, p. 219, no. 1073). 16 17 18 138 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac At present, the number of well-documented hoards containing ‘P M S COL VIM’ or ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coins is very low19. Furthermore, as they may represent deliberately accumulated sums of money (transactions or savings) at a certain moment – and can therefore give a misleading impression of the coin index and/or local era – these hoards have not been taken into account in this study. The same applies to those publications which focus on only one of these two coinages20. Although they may provide us with a good quantity of material, the fact that only one of the coinages is analyzed has led us to exclude such works in this study, as they could have provided an erroneous perspective of the overall picture and resulted in invalid conclusions. The numismatic evidence of the two coinages under discussion in this study is based on numismatic corpora such as FMRÖ21, FMRSl22, FMRU23, RCFCRCR24. In the case of the sites in Dacia, specific publications have been also used25. As far as methodology is concerned, the coins were organized by site as well as provincial and historical year. Subsequently an aggregate table by province was created for each of the two coinages. As the quantity of coins varies from one province to the other as well as from one coinage to the other, Casey’s extension to the Ravetz formula26 was used in order to obtain a coin index27 that would allow us a comparative analysis on the same scale of value (see tabs. 1–2). coins per reign length of reign x 1000 total for site 19 For the hoards containing coins of the type “P MS COL VIM” and “PROVINCIA DACIA” see C. Gazdac, Monetary circulation in ˘ Dacia and the provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Constantine I (AD 106–337), Cluj-Napoca (2002), pp. 187–188, 487, 521. E. Spajic, Novci Kovnice Viminacijum nadeni u Osijeku, in Osjec Zbornik, 14–15, 1973–1975, pp. 173–220; B. Boric-Breškovic, ´ ˇki ´ ´ Novac kolonije Viminacijuma u zbirci Svetozara St. Dušanica, Beograd (1976). ´ 20 Although they are well researched analyses, due to the reasons given in the text they have not been included in this study: 21 FMRÖ IX, Wien, 1978 – Vindobona; FMRÖ III,2. Die antiken Fundmünzen im Museum Carnuntinum (Numismata Carnuntina. Forschungen und Material), catalogue on CD-ROM, Wien (2007) – Carnuntum. FMRSl II, Berlin (1988), pp. 151–382; FMRSl III, Berlin (1995), pp. 414–581; FMRSl IV, Berlin (1998), pp. 455–473; FMRSl V, Berlin (2005), p. 493–507, – Poetovio. FMRU 1, Bonn-Budapest (1990), pp. 53–234 – Intercisa; pp 289–371 – Gorsium; FMRU 2, Bonn-Budapest (1993), pp. 30–55 Mursella; pp. 69–98; 146–266 – Arrabona; pp. 131–139; 266–290 – Scarbantia; pp. 320–426 – The collection of the ‘St. Martin’ Benedictine Abbey from Pannonhalma; FMRU 3, Berlin-Budapest (1999), pp. 120–168 – Solva; pp. 193–416 – Brigetio. II), Cluj-Napoca (2006); C. Gazdac, D. Isac, The auxiliary forts from Samum (Cas ˘ ˘ ¸eiu) and Gilau (RCFCRCR IV), Cluj-Napoca (2007); ˘ C. Gazdac, V. Suciu, Apulum (RCFCRCR V), Cluj-Napoca 2008 (forthcoming). ˘ 22 23 24 C. Gazdac, S. Cocis , Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (RCFCRCR I), Cluj-Napoca (2004); C. Gazdacc, N. Gudea, Porolissum (RCFCRCR ˘ ¸ ˘ 25 For Potaissa: M. Pîslaru, Monedele de tipul PMS COL VIM s provincia Dacia la Potaissa, in Corona laurea. Studii în onoarea Luciei ¸i T ¸eposu Marinescu, Târgoviste (2005), pp. 413–424; for Drobeta: I. Stînga, Viata economica la Drobeta în secolele II–VI p.Ch., Bu¸ ˘ ¸ ˘ curesti (1998), pp. 155–158; for Buciumi: E. Chirila et alii, Castrul roman de la Buciumi. Contributii la cercetarea limesului Daciei ¸ ˘ ¸ Porolissensis, Cluj (1972), pp. 94–107; for Romita: Al. Matei, I. Bajusz, Castrul Roman de la Romita-Certiae, Zalau (1997), pp. ˘ 137–144; R. Ardevan, Noi descoperiri monetare antice la Gherla, in Buletinul Societatii Numismatice Române, 80–85 (1996– ˘¸ 1991), pp. 285–286; for Ilisua: D. Protase, C. Gaiu, Gh. Marinescu, Castrul roman si asezarea civila de la Ilisua (jud. Bistrita¸ ¸ ¸ ˘ ¸ ¸ Nasaud), in Revista Bistritei, 10–11, 1997, pp. 91–92; for Pretorium: M. Macrea, N. Gudea, I. Motu, Praetorium. Castrul si aseza˘ ˘ ¸ ¸ ¸ rea romana de la Mehadia, Bucuresti (1993), pp. 114–115; 132–134; for Orlea: I. Winkler – C. Baloi, Circulatia monetara în ˘ ¸ ˘ ¸ ˘ asezarile antice de pe teritoriul comunei Orlea (II), in Acta Musei Napocensis, 10, 1973, p. 199. ¸ ˘ 26 J. Casey, The interpretation of Romano-British site finds, in Coins and the Archaeologist, BAR 4, 1974, p. 41. 27 We express our gratitude to Dr David Wigg-Wolf (University of Frankfurt), who gave us extremely useful advice on the mathematic aspects of this study. 139 Owing to certain specific characteristics of these two coinages, this formula has been slightly modified. The length of reign in our case is substituted by the year of issue (the minting year) or, in some cases, by the first year of reign of a new emperor. Thus, the value = 1. The ‘coins per reign’ item is substituted by the number of coin finds of the same coinage with the same year of issue, while the total for sites is substituted with the total for a province, denoted in the tables and graphs by “n”. Therefore the formula used in this study is: coins per year of issue x 1000 total for province (n) THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? The statistical results, the total number of coins per historical years and local eras, and the coin index are illustrated in graphs (see figs. 1–12). In some cases, the analysis was carried out per historical years, meaning the first year of a reign (Philip I and Trebonianus Gallus) or a reign lasting only a few months (Aemilianus). The reason for this was to ascertain whether the accession to the throne of a new emperor, especially of those with some political and military interest in the area of the Lower Danube, is reflected by the fluctuation in the coin index. STATISTICS AND COMMENTS In the case of the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage, the comparative graph of the coin index in the two provinces studied here, Pannonia and Dacia, indicates a higher frequency in Dacia than in Pannonia for the first and the second provincial years (AD 239–240, 240–241) (see fig. 11). The explanation may be found in the larger presence of troops in Dacia, as well as in a reaction towards a scarcer supply with bronze coinage from the central mint of Rome. For the bronze coins issued in the time of Gordian III (AD 238–244), the ‘P M S COL VIM’ dominates amongst the coin finds in both Dacia and Pannonia28. The situation changed radically over the next three years of the local era (AD 242–243, AD 243–244, AD 244– 245). The coin index of the ‘P M S COL VIM’ found in Dacia decreased sharply for the 4th provincial year (AD 242–243), then increased for the next provincial year, annus V (AD 243–244), only to record another decrease in the following year, annus VI (AD 244–245). The same index for Pannonia increased, starting with the annus III and rose slightly until annus V then decreased for the 6th provincial year but not as sharply as the index for Dacia (see fig. 11). The explanation of this contradictory fluctuation in the coin index of the same coinage in the two provinces is the result of military events in the year AD 242. On the one hand, Gordian III – or rather, his prefect of the Praetorian Guard, Timesitheus – was preparing his expeditio orientalis against Shapur I, who had invaded Mesopotamia and captured Carrhae and Nisibis. In preparation for this campaign there was a massive concentration of troops at Sirmium and Viminacium29. Amongst these troops, from the Rhine and Danube30, there were most probably detachments of the legions from Dacia, the 5th Macedonica31 and the 13th Gemina, together with a number of auxiliaries. A massive military presence of this kind required an increase in the supply of coin, which might have resulted in an increase in the production of ‘P M S COL VIM’, or, more likely, the distribution of these coins being mainly channelled towards Viminacium and Pannonia. Thus, fewer coins from the fourth provincial year may have arrived in Dacia, also because troops from Dacia were at that time already stationed at Viminacium or Sirmium. These troop movements were thus followed by a new distribution of coin, with the coin index increasing for Pannonia and sharply decreasing for Dacia. 28 C. Gazdac, Monetary circulation in Dacia and the provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Constantine I (AD ˘ 106–337), Cluj-Napoca (2002), pp. 54–55; 83. 29 X. Loriot, Les premières années de la grande crise du IIIe siècle: De l’avènement de Maximin le Thrace (235) à la mort de Gordien III (244), in ANRW, II.2, Berlin – New York (1975), p 766. 30 Ibidem. 31 Ibidem, note 809. 140 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac On the other hand, a complementary reason for the sharp decrease of the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coin index in Dacia for AD 242–243 might have been the external attacks on the province. In AD 242 the Carps and Goths, possibly also the Sarmatians, invaded the provinces of Dacia, Moesia Inferior and Thracia. This invasion seems to have had strong impact in the area of the Lower Danube and Illyricum, since Timesitheus was forced to postpone his campaign against Shapur I until he had cleared the region of hostes32. In the case of the coins issued in the fifth provincial year of Moesia Superior (AD 243–244), the large majority was issued in the name of Philip I (see tabs. 1–2, also figs. 1 and 6). The explanation is to be found in the fact that Gordian III died in the first months of the year AD 244, at some point between January 13 and March 1433. Assuming that the local era was the period between July and October of one year and the same months of the following year34, for the largest part of the 5th provincial year the mint at Viminacium worked for Philip I. On the other hand, the new issues35, celebrating the peace concluded with the Persians in AD 244 (albeit such that this was represented as a victory, even though tribute was being paid to the latter36), could have increased the coin production for the 5th year of the local era. The period of the years VI – IX for ‘P M S COL VIM’ (AD 244–248) seems to record a fairly constant coin index for this coinage for both provinces. The minting of new ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage in AD 246 does not seem to have influenced the production of ‘P M S COL VIM’ coins. The year AD 246 saw the issue of ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’, a similar coinage to the ‘P M S COL VIM’ in denominations, weights, sizes and obverse design but with a different reverse. The ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage seems to have been issued for the first time when the emperor was in the province of Dacia37 dealing with the Carpic invasion. According to J. Fitz, this was the event that also led to the first issue of Philip I antoniniani at Viminacium38. Here we will make a slight detour in our approach. If an imperial presence is posited for the opening of the mint that produced ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage, it is also possible that Gordian III was present at Viminacium in AD 239 when the mint was opened there. X. Loriot has suggested that in the spring of AD 239 the emperor left Rome heading eastwards for Antioch, from where he had returned by July AD 24039. Moreover, an indirect argument for an imperial presence at Viminacium is provided by the raising of the latter to the rank of colonia in the same year (AD 239)40. As one can see from our statistics and graphs, the first year of issue, annus I (AD 246–247), is by far the most representative amongst the other provincial years. In fact, the ‘PROVINVIA DACIA’ coinage represents almost 32 33 Ibidem, pp. 756–757; SHA, Vita Gordiani, 26, 4. D. Kienast, Römische Kaisertabelle. Grundzüge einer römischen Kaiserchronologie, Darmstadt (1990), p. 94. римске историје средине III века [The coins of Colonia Viminacium and dates from Roman history at the mid 3rd century AD], in Starinar, N.S., 12, 1961, pp. 142–144. 34 According to F. Martin, op. cit., p. 21. For different opinions, see S. Dušani´ , Нoвaц колоније Виминаци ма и дат ми из c 35 B. Bori´ -Breškovi´ , Ковање Филипа II y Виминацијyмiyи проблем VI године виминациј мске epe [The coinage of Philip II c c ˇar, in Viminacium and the problem of the 6th year of the Viminacium era], Numizmatic 10, 1987, p. 25; in the catalogue by F. Martin see types no. 2.07, 2.08 (F. Martin, Kolonialprägungen aus Moesia Superior und Dacia, Budapest (1992), p. 42). 36 Ch. Howgego, Istoria antica prin monede, Cluj-Napoca (2005), p. 78. ˇ 37 D. Kienast, op. cit., p. 197. vinzen im Donaugebiet Mitte des 3. Jahrhunderts, Budapest-Bonn (1978), p. 642. 38 J. Fitz, Die Tätigkeit des Münzamtes von Viminacium, in Alba Regia, 25, 1994, p. 293; idem, Der Geldumlauf der römischen Pro- 39 X. Loriot, Itinera Gordiani, Augusti, I: Un voyage de Gordien III à Antioche en 239 après J.-C.?, in Bulletin de la Société Française de Numismatique, 26, 2, 1971, p. 21; idem, Les premières années de la grande crise du IIIe siècle: De l’avènement de Maximin le Thrace (235) à la mort de Gordien III (244), in ANRW, II.2, Berlin – New York (1975), p. 760. 40 A. Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia. A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire, London-Boston (1974), p. 218. 141 40% of coins issued by Philip I found at the sites in Dacia . At the same time, in this year there seems to be a constant inflow of the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage into Dacia, the coin index recording only a slight decrease in value, still far below the value of the coin index of ‘PROVINVIA DACIA’ (see figs. 6–10). This massive scale of production in the first year of ‘PROVINVIA DACIA’ coinage is also reflected in the value of the coin index of ‘PROVINVIA DACIA’ for the province of Pannonia (see figs. 3–4) where the value of this index is higher than that of ‘P M S COL VIM’ (see fig. 5). The explanation for such a large quantity of ‘PROVINVIA DACIA’ coins could be the increased numbers of troops brought into this province to deal with the Carpic invasion42. The same explanation might also apply to the spectrum of the ‘PROVINVIA DACIA’ coin index immediately after annus I. For the second year of the local era of Dacia (AD 247–248), the coin index and thus the number of coin finds decreases in both Dacia and Pannonia. As the coin index follows the same decrease in flow, we see a downturn in the production of this coinage. This phenomenon seems to be specific only to the ‘PROVINVIA DACIA’ coinage, as the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage records a higher index in annus ii (AD 247–248) in Dacia with only a very slight decrease in comparison with the previous provincial year (see figs. 6–7, 10). Strictly hypothetically, the slight increase in the coin index in Dacia for the ‘P M S COL VIM’ in respect of the coins issued in AD 247–248 might be regarded as a reaction to the decrease in production of ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage. The ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage may have been used in order to meet a need for more bronze coin in Dacia. Support for this line of argument might be seen in the slight decrease in the coin index for ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage in Pannonia in the same period of AD 247–248. Nevertheless, the number of coins issued at Viminacium in AD 247–248 and found in Dacia is too small to permit any definite conclusions. Whether this hypothesis is valid or not for the years AD 247–248, a definite theory can be posited for the next provincial year, i.e., year X for ‘P M S COL VIM’ and year III for ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ (AD 248–249). The coin index indicates a dramatic decrease in value for ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ for the year AD 248–249 in Dacia (see figs. 8–9) while in Pannonia the coin index for the same coinage records a sharp increase in its value (see figs. 3–4). The explanation for this must be sought in the political and military events of the year AD 249. The statistics and the graphs for the two provinces clearly show that the cease in production of ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage for the 10th year of local era43 was a direct consequence of Pacatianus’ usurpation44 and not necessarily the effect of economic disturbances45. The mint at Viminacium was directed to issue silver coins for Pacatianus46. Regarding the bronze coinage, there are signs that a specific monetary policy was deployed in this area at this particular juncture. The sharp decrease in the coin index for ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage in Dacia in respect of coins issued in AD 248–249 and the increase in the same coin index for the province of Pannonia in the same period may suggest that the distribution of ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage was redirected. Although support for Pacatianus should have come from Pannonia, the army of Pannonia backed Decius and prevented Pacatianus 41 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 41 C. Gazdac, Monetary circulation in Dacia and the provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Constantine I (AD ˘ 106–337), Cluj-Napoca (2002), p. 100. Primigenia bei Romula in Dakien, in Germania, 25, 1941, pp. 240–241; I. Piso, Razboiul lui Philippus cu carpii, in In memoriam ˘ Constantini Daicoviciu, Cluj (1974), pp. 305–306. 42 For the increase of military presence in Dacia during the Carpic war see: D. Tudor, Obergermanische Vexillationen der legio XXII 43 F. Martin, op. cit., p. 19. 44 I. Winkler, Moneda “Provincia Dacia”, in Studii si Cercetari de Numismatica, 5, 1971, p. 157; R.A.G. Carson, Coinage and history ¸ ˘ ˘ in Pannonia in the third century A.D., in Arheološki Vestnik, 23, 1972, p. 27; F. Martin, op. cit., pp. 10–11. 45 On the economic reasons for ceasing the minting of “P M S COL VIM” in the 10th year of the provincial era see: N. Vuli , Godina X i XI na viminacijuskom novcu, in Glas srpske kraljevske Akademije nauka, 72, 1910, pp. 78–80; M. Mircovi´ , Das Jahr XI der c Münzstätte Viminacium, in Živa Antika, 19, 1969, p. 54. Vestnik, 23, 1972, p. 23; J. Fitz, Die Tätigkeit des Münzamtes von Viminacium, in Alba Regia, 25, 1994, p. 293. 46 V. Kond´ , The possibilities of identifying coins from the imperial mint at Viminacium, on the basis of new finds, in Arheološki c 142 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac from usurping the throne47. Therefore the mint in Dacia, a province that also did not support the usurpation of Pacatianus, may have tried to meet this shortage of bronze coin by sending part of its coin production to Pannonia. In fact, beginning with the years AD 248–249 until the last years when this coin is found in Dacia, the coin index of ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ in Dacia records very slow values (see figs. 8–10). It should be mentioned here that for the 6th and 7th years of minting, no ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coins have been found at the sites from Dacia studied here (see tab. 2). By contrast, the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coin index records another increase for the provinces of Pannonia and Dacia in the period 249–250. The explanation for this may be found in the proclamation of Decius as emperor in Viminacium in June AD 24948 followed by an increase of production for this coinage. The minting of coins with the provincial year XI (AD 249–250) for Philip I (whether as a result of the loyalty of certain troops, or even of Decius himself, or not, as the case may be49), did not influence the coin circulation in the area. Moreover, it should be pointed out that in the case of the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage no coins for Philip I were issued in the 4th provincial year, AD 249–250, the equivalent of the 11th provincial year of Viminacium. For both coinages, the period AD 250–251 represents the moment when the coin index reaches a very high value (see figs. 1–12), a consequence of the political and military events, in particular those of AD 251. On the one hand, until June AD 251 the coins were minted ‘normally’ for the members of the imperial family of Decius (the emperor, empress and their two sons). After the battle of Abbritus (June 1 AD 251), the new emperor, Trebonianus Gallus, who was at the time legatus Augusti pro praetore provinciae Moesiae Superioris50, – like Decius, who was in the area of Viminacium at the time of his proclamation – started minting coins of the same provincial year (12th) not only for himself but also for his son, Volusianus. At the same time, Trebonianus Gallus adopted the son of Decius, Hostilianus, raised him to the rank of augustus51 and minted coins for him at Viminacium52. It should be mentioned here that in the case of ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage, no coins of Hostilianus minted during the reign of Trebonianus Gallus are known. The distribution graphs of coin finds for the two coinages studied here reveal a number of interesting aspects. The coin index for the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage for the period AD 250–251 is much higher for the province of Pannonia than for Dacia. At the same time, the same index for the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage, despite recording an increase for the coins issued in 250–251, is far below the value recorded for the province of Pannonia, which now reaches the highest peak for the entire chronological segment analyzed here (see figs. 11–12). The explanation for this is to be found in the events of these years and in troop movements. Pannonia was suffering from barbarian attacks53 that necessitated the transfer of numbers of troops from Dacia to Pannonia54. Therefore a larger quantity of money was required in the Pannonian sector of the Roman defensive system in order to meet the army’s increased need for money. At the same time, it has been suggested that these attacks of the mid-3rd century AD seriously weakened the strategic position of the province of Dacia55. As a consequence, other units from Dacia were transferred to 47 R.A.G. Carson, op. cit., 23, 1972, p. 27. 48 S. Dušani´ , Нoвaц колоније Виминаци ма и дат ми из римске историје средине III века [The coins of Colonia Viminacic um and dates from Roman history in the mid 3rd century AD], in Starinar, N.S., 12, 1961, p. 141. 49 For the two hypotheses see M. Mircovi´ , Das Jahr XI der Münzstätte Viminacium, Živa Antika, 19, 1969, pp. 55; 57–61. c 50 D. Kienast, Römische Kaisertabelle. Grundzüge einer römischen Kaiserchronologie, Darmstadt (1990), p. 207. 51 52 53 Ibidem, p. 205. F. Martin, Kolonialprägungen aus Moesia Superior und Dacia, Budapest (1992), pp. 65–66. R.A.G. Carson, op. cit., p. 28. 54 P. Hügel, Ultimele decenii ale stapânirii romane în Dacia (Traianus Decius – Aurelian), Cluj-Napoca (2003), p. 168. ˘ 55 Ibidem, p. 161. 143 northern Italy and Gaul as well as to Pannonia. The decrease in numbers of troops in Dacia led to a sharp decrease in the coin supply of this province. Another important aspect should be mentioned here. The large majority of the Dacia’ and “P M S COL” coins minted after the reign of Philip I were found at sites in the southern part of Dacia (Drobeta and Praetorium), at a civilian site known as Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. Only four coins from this period have so far been found, all of them at a military site, namely the legionary fort of Potaissa (Turda) (see map and tabs. 1–2). After AD 250–251, the 12th and 5th provincial year for ‘P M S COL VIM’ and ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ respectively, the coin indexes show a gradual decrease. One particular aspect concerning the frequency of finds of these two coinages is provided by the period AD 252–253. The coin finds issued in the 14th year of the local era of Moesia Superior and the 7th year of the provincial era of Dacia were mainly minted by Aemilianus during his brief, 88-day reign57 (see tabs. 1–2). Aemilianus was proclaimed emperor by his troops in Moesia Superior, where he was governor58. As in the previous cases (e.g. Philip I, Trajan Decius, Trebonianus Gallus) we have here a situation when troops proclaim the new emperor in the area of Viminacium and the bronze coin finds of that emperor minted at Viminacium increase in the neighbouring regions. Furthermore, in view of the findspots of these coins issued by Aemilianus, it can be seen that Pannonia, and not Dacia, was the intended destination of the bronze coin supply59. This hypothesis is supported by the circumstance that Clodius Celsinus, having initially sided with Aemilianus, later marched against him with the legio II Adiutrix and occupied Viminacium60. Moreover, even the coins of the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ type issued by Aemilianus were found in Pannonia only, while in Dacia only one ‘P M S COL VIM’ coin was found, at Potaissa (see tabs. 1–2). These aspects reinforce the theory that after AD 250 Dacia was not a priority in the defensive system of the Roman Empire. After AD 253, both coins exhibit a very low coin index. Although according to the year of minting struck on the reverse of these coins the last issue was in AD 254–255 for the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage61 and in AD 256–257 for the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage62, at the sites from Dacia studied here the last ‘P M S COL VIM’ coins to be found were issued in AD 252–253 (see tabs. 2; figs. 6–7). In the case of the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage, the latest coins to be found in both the provinces of Pannonia and Dacia were minted in AD 255–256 (see tabs. 1–2, figs. 3–4, 8–9). This indicates that the two coinages discussed in this study had very low production volumes after 253. The explanation for this may involve multiple elements. In the case of Dacia it can be connected with the above-mentioned gradual demilitarization of the province which had a deep impact on the coin circulation and economic life as a whole across the entire province63. Additionally, at the time of Valerianus I a number of units departed for the latter’s first eastern campaign in AD 253–25664. 56 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 56 Ibidem, p. 168. 57 D. Kienast, op. cit., p. 210. 58 Ibidem. 59 As little has yet been published we have no solid numismatic evidence from sites of the former province of Moesia Superior which is why we here focus solely on the importance of Pannonia in comparison with Dacia. 60 J. Fitz, Clodius Celsinus und die Revolte in Viminacium, in Alba Regia, 12, 1971, p. 253. 61 F. Martin, op. cit., pp. 21, 83. 62 Ibidem, pp. 21, 106. 63 C. Gazdac, Monetary circulation in Dacia and the provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Constantine I (AD ˘ 106–337), Cluj-Napoca (2002), p. 107; D. Dana, S. Nemeti, La Dacie dans les Res gestae divi Saporis, in Acta Musei Napocensis, 38/I, 2001, p. 244. 64 D. Dana, S. Nemeti, op. cit., p. 254. 144 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac Apart from political and military events, the monetary policy at the time must also be taken into consideration. The severe debasement of what was once a powerful silver coinage, now reduced to a token from the point of view of the fineness of the silver, resulted in decreasing – and perhaps even a lack of – demand for the bronze coinage in transactions. An argument supporting this hypothesis may be found in the opening of an official mint at Viminacium to produce silver coinage, namely the ‘antoninianus’65. As some scholars have suggested, the two mints worked in parallel66, but during the reign of Valerianus I the mint producing bronze coins was now of limited usefulness. Although bronze denominations were still minted, the coin finds from archaeological sites as well as the isolated finds – not to mention the hoards – suggest that bronze coinage ceased to play an important role in coin circulation after the middle of the 3rd century AD67. This process was a gradual one, and it is well reflected by the two coinages discussed in this study. After the reign of Philip I, the dupondii and asses of ‘P M S COL VIM’ were rarely minted. The as was not issued after the reign of Trajan Decius, while the dupondius was not struck after Trebonianus Gallus68. In the case of the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage the monetary policy seems to have been even more drastic: the dupondii and asses were not minted at all after the reign of Philip I69. CONCLUSIONS The analysis of the coin index for the two coinages for the provinces of Pannonia and Dacia combined with the political and military events in the regions of Middle and Lower Danube offers us a number of clues as to Roman government thinking on the management of the monetary crisis, imperial propaganda and the maintaining of army loyalty, tasks that all had to be addressed at the same time. The fluctuations in the coin indexes of the two coinages were clearly influenced by the movements of the army. Campaigns against external enemies, as well as internal ones in the case of usurpers, the proclamation of new emperors in the area of Viminacium, transfers of units from one province to another in times of disturbance (e.g. from Dacia to Pannonia), were all elements that influenced the production and distribution of these two coinages. If we add here the design of the two coinages, similar to the official issues, with the military reverse type, and the denominational system of these two coinages (sestertius, dupondius, as) which also conform to the decline in weight of the official issues, then we can affirm that these coinages were issued by the Roman state for the army70. Thus, the provincial character of these two coinages is simply reduced to the geographical location of the mints that produced them. The frequent imperial presence in the area after AD 246 imposed monetary policy on these coins. As B. Bori´ -Breškovi´ has already noted, state coinage exerted a strong influence on the c c character of copper coins produced in Viminacium71. We can now add that this influence also applied to the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage. 65 According to J. Fitz, the mint of Viminacium that produced antoniniani was open already in AD 246/247 at the end of the Carpic war, J. Fitz, Die Tätigkeit des Münzamtes von Viminacium, in Alba Regia, 25, 1994, p. 294; idem, Der Geldumlauf der römischen Provinzen im Donaugebiet Mitte des 3. Jahrhunderts, Budapest-Bonn (1978), p. 642. 66 J. Lallemand, Les premières emissions de Valérien et de Gallien à Viminacium et à Rome, in Arheološki Vestnik, 23, 1972, p. 18. 67 C. Sutherland, Roman coins, London (1974), pp. 232–234; R.A.G. Carson, Coins of the Roman Empire, London-New York (1990), p. 235. 68 F. Martin, op. cit., see the catalogue of ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage, pp 26–83. 69 Ibidem, see the catalogue of ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage, pp. 84–106. 70 J.P. Callu has already mentioned the possibly military character of these two coinages, J.-P. Callu, La politique monétaire des em- pereurs romains de 238 à 311, Paris (1969), pp. 18, 28. 71 B. Bori´ -Breškovi´ , Ковање Филипа II y Виминацијyмyи проблем VI године виминацијyмске epe [The coinage of Philip II c c in Viminacium and the problem of the 6th year of the Viminacium era], in Numizmaticar, 10, 1987, p. 25. ˇ 145 At the same time, the way the distribution of these two coinages is reflected by the frequency of finds in the two provinces indicates unitary coordination of the coin supply for the provinces of Pannonia and Dacia72. From the beginning (AD 239 – ‘P M S COL VIM’) to the end of these coinages (AD 257- ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’) the coin supply was directed wherever the army needed an increased supply of coin, i.e., when troop numbers increased, usually during times of war. This comparative study of the coin indexes of the two coinages in the provinces of Pannonia and Dacia together with the analysis of political events and monetary policy affecting the two coinages may help us to solve another controversial aspect. For decades there has been a debate as to whether there was just one mint, at Viminacium, that produced both the ‘P M S COL VIM’ and ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ monetary series, or two. On the basis of the similarity in the designs of the two coinages, some scholars have assumed that both coinages were issued at Viminacium73. Other scholars, basing their arguments on various stylistic differences, supported the idea that there were two separate mints74. After analyzing the monetary policy with regard to the two coinages, further arguments can be adduced to support the idea of two mints. The problematic year of AD 249 with the usurpation of Pacatianus followed by the proclamation of Decius as emperor, had a strong impact on the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage. Firstly, the mint of Viminacium did not produce any coin in the 10th year of the local era because it was issuing silver coins of Pacatianus. At the same time, the coins of the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ type continued to be produced during that period. Secondly, at the beginning of the reign of Trajan Decius, some ‘P M S COL VIM’ coins were still being minted in the name of Philip I, either as a sign of loyalty by Decius or because some units remained loyal to the former emperor. None of the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coins display this phenomenon. Thirdly, Trebonianus Gallus struck ‘P M S COL VIM’ coins for his newly adopted son and co-augustus Hostilianus, the youngest son of Decius. No ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coins were minted for Hostilianus during the reign of Trebonianus Gallus. If one mint was clearly located at Viminacium in Moesia Superior the site of the other mint that produced the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ monetary series has prompted debate amongst scholars. Opinions were divided between two Roman towns in Dacia: Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa75 – the seat of the concilium Daciarum trium – and Apulum76, the most developed urban centre in Dacia and the garrison of the 13th legion Gemina (see map). The most recent theory regards Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa as the site of this mint. Following the demonstration for the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage that the authority upon this coinage was the concilium provinciae – as the coinage was considered as having provincial status77 – the theory was automatically applied to the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage. As the seat of this concilium provinciae Daciarum trium was at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa the mint must have been located there as well78. THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 72 Again, we must point out that in the case of the province of Moesia Superior the absence of published numismatic evidence does not allow us to draw any definite conclusions, see also note 54. A. Alföldi, A daciai tartományi pénzek verdéje, in Numizmatikai Közlöny, 26–27, 1927–1928, pp. 146–147; J. Fitz, Der Geldumlauf der römischen Provinzen im Donaugebiet Mitte des 3. Jahrhunderts, Budapest-Bonn (1978), p. 636; K. Butcher, Roman Provincial Coins: An Introduction to the Greek Imperials, London (1988), p. 65; F. Martin, op. cit., pp. 10, 13. Numismatica, 5, 1971, pp. 156–158; R. Ardevan, Monetaria provinciala de la Sarmizegetusa, in Buletinul Societatii Numismatice ˘ ˘ ˘ ˘¸ Române, 86–87, 1992–1993, pp. 117–120; N. Crnobrnja, The Coins of the Province of Dacia in the Collection of Svetozar St. Dušani´ , Beograd (1993), p. 31, apud R. Ardevan, op. cit., p. 120, note 10. c 73 74 J.-P. Callu, op. cit., p. 18, with a later transfer to Viminacium; I. Winkler, Moneda “Provincia Dacia”, in Studii si Cercetari de ¸ ˘ 75 76 77 78 M. Macrea, Viata în Dacia romana, 2nd edition, Bucuresti (2007), p. 279; I. Winkler, op. cit., p. 156; R. Ardevan, op. cit., p. 120. ¸ ˘ ¸ J.-P. Callu, op. cit., p. 18; N. Crnobrnja, op. cit., p. 31, apud R. Ardevan, op. cit., p. 120, note 10. R. Ardevan, op. cit, pp. 119–120. Ibidem. 146 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac At this point, we should mention that in the case of the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage its provincial status was suggested by analogies with other provincial coinages in the East and West of the Roman Empire that were placed under the jurisdiction of local authorities79. Other characteristics of this coinage, such as its metrological system, design or the patterns of production and distribution, have not been taken into consideration. The conclusion was that the ‘P M S COL VIM’ coinage was minted occasionally for the financial needs of the concilium provinciae and for various festivals in connection with the imperial cult, as well as the distribution of coin amongst the local population80. At present, taking all the aspects connected to these two coinages (e.g. design, metrology, monetary policy, imperial propaganda, coin production and distribution, etc.) into consideration, it can be affirmed that these two coinages were intended for the supply of the army, and that the whole process from production to distribution of these coinages was organized by the state. Moreover, if there was a local authority, in the case of ‘P M S COL VIM’, its jurisdiction over the mint was probably purely nominal. Thus, the mint that produced the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ monetary series was most probably located in a place that was connected to the army. If one looks at Viminacium as a location for an army mint, three essential elements are noticeable: a garrison of a legion (the 7th Claudia), the close proximity of a mining area (the mines at Pink/Pincus = metalla Pincensia81) and access to a navigable watercourse (the Danube). None of these elements can be found at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, but all of them were present at Apulum: the garrison of a legion (13th Gemina), the proximity of a mining area (the West Carpathian mountains with Roman galleries attested), and a navigable watercourse (the river Maris/Mures , navigable in the Roman period). ¸ The hypothesis that the ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinage was produced at Apulum has been already suggested by other scholars82. The location of this mint in a military centre such as Apulum could also serve as a possible explanation for the finding of ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coins, especially after AD 249–25083, in southern parts of Dacia and Pannonia. The mint mainly supplied the units transferred to the war zone, and amongst these were vexillations of the 13th legion Gemina from Apulum, as mentioned above. Ultimately it can be affirmed that a monetary crisis in the mid-3rd century AD in the area of the Middle and Lower Danube was determined by a massive presence of troops in this area combined with the proclamation by these troops of new emperors as well as usurpers. The central mint in Rome failed to meet the needs of the army for Roman bronze coinage, and the solution adopted to resolve this problem was the opening of two mints in the area in question. This solution represented only the beginning of the decentralizing process undergone by imperial mints that developed in the second half of the 3rd century AD84. Thus, the designation ‘provincial’ for the mints that issued the ‘P M S COL VIM’ and ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ coinages may be applied to them only in as far as it refers to their location within two provinces of the Roman Empire. Both coinages, ‘P M S COL VIM’ and ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’, demonstrate that the management of this monetary crisis in the mid-3rd century AD consisted of limited solution: the minting of coins that were mainly intended for the army. As the coinage was the leading element of propaganda as well as the main way of ensuring army loyalty, the emperors made sure that the army got the right message: military types in the design of these coinages, and their production and distribution into neighbouring areas where the army was in need of money. 79 P. Kos, The Provincia Moesia Superior in Viminacium, in Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 91, 1992, pp. 213–214. 80 Ibidem, p. 214. 81 S. Dusani´ , Aspects of Roman mining in Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia and Moesia Superior, in ANRW, II.6, Berlin-New York c (1977), p. 76. 82 See note 76 and R. Ardevan, op. cit., pp. 117, 120 with note 6. 83 Following the arguments for two separate mints presented in this article, the hypothesis that after AD 249–250 the mint from Dacia was moved to Viminacium is no longer supported. On that hypothesis see Jean-Pierre Callu, op. cit., p. 18. 84 Ch. Howgego, Coin circulation and the integration of the Roman economy, in Journal of Roman Archaeology, 7, 1994, p. 12. 147 MAP OF THE ROMAN PROVINCES ON THE MIDDLE AND LOWER DANUBE IN THE 3RD CENTURY AD THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 148 FIG. 1. COIN INDEX ‘P M S COL VIM’ FOR PANNONIA (HISTORICAL YEARS) Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac Coin index Historical Years FIG. 2. COIN INDEX ‘P M S COL VIM’ FOR PANNONIA (LOCAL ERA) Coin index Local Era 149 FIG. 3. COIN INDEX ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FOR PANNONIA (HISTORICAL YEARS) THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? Coin index Historical Years FIG. 4. COIN INDEX ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FOR PANNONIA (LOCAL ERA) Coin index Local Era 150 FIG. 5. COMPARATIVE GRAPH OF THE INDEX FOR ‘P M S COL VIM’ Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ COINAGES IN PANNONIA Coin index Period of Issue FIG. 6. COIN INDEX ‘P M S COL VIM’ FOR DACIA (HISTORICAL YEARS) Coin index Historical Years 151 FIG. 7. COIN INDEX ‘P M S COL VIM’ FOR DACIA (LOCAL ERA) THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? Coin index Local Era FIG. 8. COIN INDEX ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FOR DACIA (HISTORICAL YEARS) Coin index Historical years 152 FIG. 9. COIN INDEX ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FOR DACIA (LOCAL ERA) Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac Coin index Local Era FIG. 10. COMPARATIVE GRAPH OF THE INDEX FOR ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ COINAGES IN DACIA Coin index Period of Issue 153 FIG. 11. COMPARATIVE GRAPH OF THE COIN INDEX FOR ‘P M S COL VIM’ COINAGE IN THE PROVINCES OF PANNONIA AND DACIA (LOCAL ERA) THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? Coin index Local Era FIG. 12. COMPARATIVE GRAPH OF THE COIN INDEX FOR ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ COINAGE IN THE PROVINCES OF PANNONIA AND DACIA (LOCAL ERA) Coin index Local Era 154 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac TAB. 1. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF PANNONIA VINDOBONA BIBLIOGRAPHY: FMRÖ IX P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 1 1 1 3 1 2 6 2 1 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus 9 Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilian Valerianus I CARNVNTVM BIBLIOGRAPHY: FMRÖ III,2 P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 20 25 13 19 10 9 23 18 9 15 2 9 29 5 5 18 1 6 2 3 69 94 43 24 6 5 241 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I TAB. 1. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF PANNONIA A32 PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 1 6 2 17 2 6 2 2 5 7 Traianus Decius 1 Trebonianus Gallus Aemilian Valerianus I POETOVIO „BIBLIOGRAPHY: FMRSL II, PP. 151–382; FMRSL III, PP. 414–581; FMRSL IV, PP. 455–473; FMRSL V, PP. 493–507“ P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 3 11 7 3 9 5 4 3 3 1 8 7 6 5 5 1 2 3 27 23 15 18 3 86 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 1 2 1 1 2 2 5 Traianus Decius 1 Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I 155 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 156 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac TAB. 1. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF PANNONIA A32 INTERCISA BIBLIOGRAPHY: FMRU, I, PP. 53–234 P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 11 13 6 6 1 12 4 2 1 10 13 12 12 7 5 12 15 3 10 6 2 52 64 18 22 6 1 163 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 Philip I 1 4 1 1 1 1 4 1 2 14 2 2 2 6 Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilian Valerianus I GORSIVM BIBLIOGRAPHY: FMRU, I, PP. 289–371 P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 1 2 4 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 3 1 2 1 1 7 9 4 6 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus 26 Valerianus I TAB. 1. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF PANNONIA A32 PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilian Valerianus I MVRSELLA BIBLOIOGRAPHY: FMRU II, PP. 30–55 P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus 5 Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilian Valerianus I 157 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 158 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac TAB. 1. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF PANNONIA A32 ARRABONA „BIBLIOGRAPHY: FMRU II, PP. 69–98; 146–266“ P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 6 3 1 1 1 5 4 3 3 4 3 5 5 5 9 1 25 19 12 3 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus 59 Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 7 Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilian Valerianus I SCARBANTIA „BIBLIOGRAPHY: FMRU II, PP. 131–139; 266–290“ P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 2 2 1 2 4 2 5 5 1 2 1 1 18 10 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus 1 1 29 Aemilianus Valerianus I TAB. 1. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF PANNONIA A32 PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 1 1 1 1 Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilian 2 Valerianus I SOLVA BIBLIOGRAPHY: FMRU III, PP. 120–168 P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 2 3 3 2 7 2 2 2 2 1 3 3 1 1 8 11 5 10 1 1 35 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknownyear“ Total Philip I 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilian 4 Valerianus I 159 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 160 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac TAB. 1. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF PANNONIA A32 BRIGETIO BIBLIOGRAPHY: FMRU III, PP. 193–416 P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 9 6 9 4 10 11 5 4 5 7 6 2 9 7 15 8 1 5 2 45 35 22 19 4 125 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 Philip I 1 5 1 2 3 2 5 Traianus Decius 1 Trebonianus Gallus Aemilian 10 Valerianus I THE COLLECTION OF THE BENEDICTINE ABBEY ‘ST. MARTIN’ – PANNONHALMA BIBLIOGRAPHY: FMRU II, PP. 320–426 P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 1 1 1 1 2 1 4 4 2 2 1 4 6 6 4 4 1 1 1 1 14 8 16 8 1 1 48 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 Philip I 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 5 Traianus Decius 2 Trebonianus Gallus Aemilian 9 Valerianus I PANNONIA P M S COL VIM 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 Gordian III 56 51 37 64 8 21 57 23 59 46 50 45 5 41 39 64 70 21 20 15 3 1 2 5 1 255 276 134 110 21 8 804 Philip I Traianus Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I COIN INDEX 100,7 77,2 60,2 65,4 58,9 0 73,2 153,1 53,6 51 83 91,6 27,4 73,2 77,2 60,2 65,4 58,9 0 73,2 74,6 78,5 83,7 83,7 10,4 37,9 27,4 2,6 2,6 6,5 6,5 n = 764 by local era 53,6 51 83 91,6 PROVINCIA DACIA 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 Philip I 6 20 4 3 8 3 12 3 26 14 20 4 1 1 2 66 Traianus Decius 5 Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I COIN INDEX 467,7 0 64,5 129 48 193 80,6 96,7 370,9 0 0 64,5 0 0 0 0 16,1 16,1 n = 62 by local era 129 48 193 80,6 161 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 162 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac TAB. 2. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF DACIA VLPIA TRAIANA SARMIZEGETVSA BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. GA ZDAC, S. COCIS ULPIA TRAIANA SARMIZEGETUSA (RCFCRCR I), CLUJ–NAPOCA (2006) ˘ ¸, P M S COL VIM 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 Gordian III 3 1 1 2 3 4 2 1 1 1 2 11 8 1 1 Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus 21 Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 Philip I 1 3 1 1 4 1 13 10 3 26 1 3 7 37 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I APVLVM BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. GA ZDAC, V. SUCIU, APULUM (RCFCRCR V), CLUJ–NAPOCA (2008) (FORTHCOMING) ˘ P M S COL VIM 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 Gordian III 4 1 1 3 2 4 3 Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus 9 18 Aemilianus Valerianus I TAB. 2. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF DACIA PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 20 9 3 32 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I POTAISSA BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. PISLARU, MONEDELE DE TIPUL PMS COL VIM ¸I PROVINCIA DACIA LA POTAISSA, CORONA LAUREA. STUDII ˆ ONOAREA LUCIEI ¸ ˆ S IN TEPOSU MARINESCU, BUCURES ¸TI (2005), PP. 413–424 P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 2 1 1 5 1 2 3 3 2 8 10 1 1 1 1 21 Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 1 1 32 32 5 4 73 1 1 75 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I 163 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 164 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac TAB. 2. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF DACIA POROLISSVM BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. GA ZDAC, N. GUDEA, POROLISSUM (RCFCRCR II), CLUJ–NAPOCA (2006) ˘ P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 2 1 1 1 3 Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus 4 Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 16 16 5 2 39 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I DROBETA BIBLIOGRAPHY: I. STINGA , VIATA ECONOMICA LA DROBETA ˆ SECOLELE II–VI P.CH., BUCURES (1998), PP. 155–156 ˆ ˘ ¸ ˘ IN ¸TI P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 1 1 5 1 2 1 2 1 1 5 1 2 2 2 4 8 12 6 5 Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus 31 Valerianus I TAB. 2. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF DACIA PROVINCIA DACIA 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 Philip I 1 6 12 2 8 2 1 1 2 Trajan Decius 1 Treb Gallus Aemilianus SAMVM BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. GA ZDAC, D. ISAC, THE AUXILIARY FORTS FROM SAMUM (CA¸EIU) AND GILA (RCFCRCR IV), CLUJ–NAPOCA (2007) ˘ ˘S ˘U P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 1 1 Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 2 2 4 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus 165 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 166 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac TAB. 2. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF DACIA GILA ˘U BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. GA ZDAC, D. ISAC, THE AUXILIARY FORTS FROM SAMUM (CA¸EIU) AND GILA (RCFCRCR IV), CLUJ–NAPOCA (2007) ˘ ˘S ˘U P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 Gordian III Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 1 3 4 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus BUCIUMI BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. CHIRILA ET ALII, CASTRUL ROMAN DE LA BUCIUMI. CONTRIBU¸II LA CERCETAREA LIMESULUI DACIEI POROLISSENSIS, CLUJ (1972), PP. 94–107 ˘ T P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 1 1 Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I TAB. 2. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF DACIA PROVINCIA DACIA 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 Philip I 1 1 2 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I ROMITA BIBLIOGRAPHY: AL. MATEI, I. BAJUSZ, CASTRUL ROMAN DE LA ROMITA–CERTIAE, ZALA U (1997), PP. 137–144 ˘ P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 Gordian III Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 4 5 9 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I 167 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 168 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac TAB. 2. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF DACIA GHERLA BIBLIOGRAPHY: R. ARDEVAN, NOI DESCOPERIRI MONETARE ANTICE LA GHERLA, IN BULETINUL SOCIETA¸II NUMISMATICE ROM‚NE, 80–85 (1996–1991), PP. 285–286 ˘T P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 Gordian III Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 7 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 4 3 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I ILIS ¸UA BIBLIOGRAPHY: D. PROTASE, C. GAIU, GH. MARINESCU, CASTRUL ROMAN ¸I AS S ¸EZAREA CIVILA DE LA ILIS ˘ ¸UA (JUD. BISTRI¸A–NA SA UD), IN REVISTA BISTRI¸EI, 10–11, 1997, PP. 91–92 T ˘ ˘ T P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 Gordian III Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I TAB. 2. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF DACIA PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 11 7 18 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I PRAETORIVM „BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. MACREA, N. GUDEA, I. MO¸U, PRAETORIUM. CASTRUL ¸I AS T S ¸EZAREA ROMANA DE LA MEHADIA, BUCURES ˘ ¸TI (1993), PP. 114–115; 132–134“ P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total 2 Gordian III 1 1 1 1 Philip I 1 1 Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus 4 Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 1 1 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus 2 2 3 Aemilianus Valerianus I 169 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 170 Cristian Ga ˘zdac und Agnes Alföldy-Ga ˘zdac TAB. 2. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF DACIA ORLEA BIBLIOGRAPHY: I. WINKLER, C. BA LOI, CIRCULATIA MONETARA ÓN AS ˘RILE ANTICE DE PE TERITORIUL COMUNEI ORLEA (II), IN ACTA MUSEI NAPOCENSIS, 10, 1973, P. 199 ˘ ¸ ˘ ¸EZA P M S COL VIM 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total Gordian III 1 1 1 3 1 5 2 Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus 7 Valerianus I PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256„ Unknown year“ Total Philip I 2 1 3 Trajan Decius Treb Gallus Aemilianus TAB. 2. COIN FINDS OF THE TYPES ‘P M S COL VIM’ AND ‘PROVINCIA DACIA’ FROM SITES OF DACIA DACIA P M S COL VIM 244 244–245 245–246 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 „Unknown year“ Total 239–240 240–241 241–242 242–243 243–244 Gordian III 9 4 2 1 4 2 8 10 7 4 6 10 7 7 6 4 2 4 36 40 12 8 1 97 Philip I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I COIN INDEX 142,8 109,8 76,9 43,9 65,9 43,9 109,8 43,9 32,9 109,8 76,9 76,9 65,9 43,9 98,9 109,8 76,9 43,9 65,9 43,9 87,9 21,9 43,9 21,9 10,9 n = 91 by local era 109,8 76,9 76,9 65,9 PROVINCIA DACIA 246–247 247–248 248–249 249–250 250–251 251 251–252 252–253 253 253–254 254–255 255–256 „Unknown year“ Total Philip I 2 10 4 1 4 1 107 89 15 5 216 3 10 10 239 Trajan Decius 1 Treb Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus I COIN INDEX 459,2 381,9 64,3 4,2 8,5 42,9 17,1 4,2 17,1 n = 233 51,5 1,91 0,47 1,91 by local era 459,2 381,9 64,3 4,2 171 THE MANAGEMENT OF A MONETARY CRISIS? 172